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A  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  THE  MAYAS 
AND  THE  LACANDONES 


archaeological  gngtitute  of  amertca 


REPORT  OF  THE  FELLOW  IN  AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY 

1902-1905 


A  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF 
THE  MAYAS  AND  THE  LACANDONES 


BY 

ALFRED  M.  TOZZER,  Ph.D. 


NEW  YORK 

PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE 
OF  AMERICA  BY 

Wc\z  ilacmtllatt  Company 

64-66  Fifth  Avenue 
LONDON:  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Ltd. 

1907 


Kortoooti  Prrss  : 

J  S-  Cushing  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood.  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 


The  following  report  is  based  upon  the  field  work  carried 
on  principally  in  Yucatan  and  Chiapas,  Mexico,  during  the 
years  1902, 1903, 1904,  and  1905  as  Fellow  in  American  Archae¬ 
ology  of  the  Institute.  A  more  detailed  account  of  the  exact 
time  and  places  where  the  work  was  undertaken  may  be  found 
in  the  brief  reports  that  I  have  given  each  year  to  the  Com¬ 
mittee  of  American  Archseolog}^  and  published  in  the  Supple¬ 
ments  to  the  American  Journal  of  Archaeology,  Yols.  VI,  VII, 
VIII,  and  IX. 

The  report  is  entirely  ethnological  in  character.  The  former 
Maya  culture  is  touched  upon  only  in  relation  to  that  found 
at  the  present  time.  Where  there  is  any  connection  between 
the  two  this  has  been  brought  out,  but  no  attempt  has  been 
made  to  sketch  any  phase  of  the  ancient  culture. 

The  linguistic  part  of  the  report  is  not  included  in  the 
present  volume.  As  it  forms  a  unit  in  itself,  it  will  be  pub¬ 
lished  as  a  separate  contribution.  It  will  include  a  treatment 
of  the  Maya  grammar  together  with  a  comparative  study  of 
the  Maya,  Tzeltal,  Choi,  and  Chontal  dialects  of  the  Maya 
stock. 

I  desire  at  this  time  to  express  my  appreciation  and  thanks 
to  the  three  original  members  of  the  Committee  on  American 
Archaeology,  Mr.  Charles  P.  Bowditch,  Chairman,  Professor 
F.  W.  Putnam,  and  Professor  Franz  Boas.  To  Mr.  Bowditch, 
through  whose  initiative  and  aid  the  Traveling  Fellowship  in 
American  Archaeology  was  founded,  and  to  Professor  Putnam, 
both  of  whom  have  given  unsparingly  of  their  time  in  advice 
and  counsel  both  before  and  during  the  four  years  of  the 
Fellowship,  and  to  Dr.  Boas,  who  has  been  of  great  aid  in  his 
advice  on  the  linguistic  side  of  the  work,  I  am  deeply  grateful. 

I  owe  special  thanks  to  Mr.  Edward  H.  Thompson,  American 
Consul  at  Progreso,  Yucatan,  for  the  many  weeks  spent  on 


VI 


PREFACE 


his  delightful  plantation  at  Chichen  Itza,  and  to  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
W.  M.  James  of  Merida  for  their  many  acts  of  kindness.  To 
Don  Audomaro  Molina  and  Don  David  Casares  and  their 
families,  I  am  grateful  for  an  insight  into  the  life  of  the 
capital  of  Yucatan. 

My  actual  field  work  would  have  been  doubly  arduous  but 
for  the  kind  attentions  and  hospitality  of  friends  connected 
with  many  of  the  large  mahogany  companies  in  southern 
Chiapas.  The  Compahia  Mexicana  Snd-Oriental  of  Belgium 
through  Mr.  Luis  Pelegrinni,  Mr.  Robert  Herzog,  and  Mr. 
Alfonso  Altes;  the  American  Trading  Company  of  New  York 
through  Mr.  Pedro  Y.  Rubio  and  Mr.  D.  N.  Carrington;  the 
Compania  Romano  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  Chiapas,  through 
Don  Roman  Romano,  the  Vice  President,  and  Don  Domingo 
Morgadanes;  and  the  Bullies  Company,  also  of  San  Juan, 
through  Don  Enrique  and  Don  Quentin  Bulnes,  have  all  placed 
many  facilities  of  travel  at  my  disposal. 

This  is  not  the  time  and  place  to  enlarge  upon  the  obliga¬ 
tions  I  feel  myself  under  to  eacli  and  every  one  of  the  persons 
named,  in  addition  to  a  large  number  of  others.  It  is  always 
a  regret  that  the  conditions  of  the  country  are  such  that,  in 
many  cases,  one  is  compelled  to  accept  hospitality  and  favors 
which  he  can  never  hope  to  repay. 

A.  M.  T. 

Harvard  University, 

June,  1906. 


CONTENTS 


\ 


Preface  .  v 

Introduction  . . 1 

Maya  and  Lacandone . 1 

Maya  and  Lacandone,  linguistically  considered . 1 

Name  and  derivations . 3 

Habitat  . . .4 

Number . 5 

History  (summary) . 7 

Mayas  and  Yucatan  . . 7 

Lacandones  and  Chiapas . 12 

Habitat  . . . .  .  14 

Position . -14 

Archaeological  remains  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .14 

Orography  .  15 

Rivers  .  .  ' . 16 

Soil . 17 

Geological  formation  . . 17 

Rainfall . 18 

Seasons . 18 

Climate  .  18 

Mineral  wealth  . .  19 

Flora . 19 

Fauna . 22 

Personal  Characteristics  .  . . .  .  24 

Physical . 24 

Stature  and  head  form . 24 

Physical  strength . 24 

Color  of  skin  and  hair  ;  texture  of  hair . .25 

Health  . . 26 

Artificial  flattening  of  head . 26 

Mental  .  27 

Intellect . 27 

Morality . 27 

Condition  on  the  haciendas  of  Yucatan . 27 

Drunkenness . 28 

Clothing  . .  .  29 

Lacandones  . . .29 

Mayas . 31 

Social  Characteristics . .33 

External  relations . .33 

vii 


CONTENTS 


viii 

PAGE 

Social  Characteristics  (coraf.) 

External  relations  (coraf.) 

Lacandones  ....  ......  32 

Isolation  and  its  causes  ........  34 

Mayas  ............  36 

Permanence  of  language  .  .  ...  .  .  .36 

Interrelations  ............  37 

Internal  relations  ...........  38 

Permanent  settlements  .........  38 

Descent  and  inheritance  .  ........  39 

Pamily  imperfectly  constituted  ........  39 

Totemic  divisions  and  their  locations  ......  40 

Divisions  as  regards  precedence  in  birth  ......  42 

Political  life . 43 

Honor  paid  to  chief  of  settlement .......  44 

Family  life  ...........  44 

Leadership  ......  .....  44 

Morality  ...........  45 

Marriage  rite  ..........  45 

Polygyny . 45 

Fecundity  ..........  46 

Naming  of  children  .........  46 

Puberty  rites  . . 47 

Mortuary  customs  .........  47 

Ideas  of  future  life  .........  47 

Sociology  of  Mayas  ..........  49 

Industrial  Activity  ...........  51 

Agriculture  ............  51 

Food  and  the  preparation  of  food  .  .  .  .  .  .  .51 

Crops . 53 

Hunting . 53 

Fishing  .  54 

Navigation . 54 

Weaving  .............  55 

Cloth  making . 55 

Hammocks  and  carrying  nets  ........  56 

Baskets  . . .57 

Manufacture  of  bows  and  arrows  ........  57 

Varieties  of  arrows  ..........  59 

Flint  chipping  ...........  60 

Arrow  release  ...........  61 

Arrows  as  ceremonial  objects . 61 

Pottery  making  ...........  62 

Mayas  as  potters .  62 

Lacandones  as  potters  .........  62 

Apiculture . 63 

Fire  making  ............  63 

House  building  . . 63 


CONTENTS 


IX 


PAGE 

Artistic  Activity . 65 

Decoration  . . .  .  65 

Absent  among  the  Mayas . 65 

Gourds  for  food  and  drink  among  the  Lacandones  ....  65 

Figure  of  winged  serpent  on  cliff  at  Lake  Petha  ....  69 

Sacred  incense-burners  of  the  Lacandones . 69 

Ceremonial  gourd  rattle  . . 70 

Ceremonial  robe  . . .70 

Sacred  hut,  or  hermita  . . .72 

Personal  decoration  .  72 

Music . 73 

Games . 76 

Dancing . 77 

Religion . 79 

Lacandones  . . .79 

Ideas  expressed  . . 79 

General  character . 80 

Gods . 80 

Number  . . 80 

Character  and  attitude  toward  the  natives . 81 

Residence  . . 81 

Pilgrimages . 81 

Finding  of  incense-burners  ......  81 

Connection  with  ancient  culture  .  .  .  .  .81 

Use  by  Lacandones .  84 

Survival  of  older  form  .......  85 

Changes  of  form  ........  85 

Representation  ..........  87 

Idols  of  stone . 87 

How  obtained  .  .  88 

Their  place  in  the  incense-burners  .....  88 

Renewal  of  braseros,  or  incense-burners  ...  89 

Functions  of  the  braseros  ......  89 

Detailed  description  of  braseros  .....  89 

Different  types .  90 

Sacred  hut  ..........  91 

Great  secrecy  and  privacy  observed  .  .  ...  92 

Names  of  gods . 93 

Those  represented  in  an  encampment . 99 

Mode  of  selection  .........  99 

Divination  by  leaf . 100 

Divination  by  hands . 100 

Use  to  determine  offering . 101 

Kinds  of  offering  .......  102 

Possession  of  set  of  idols  and  braseros  ......  103 

Priestly  duties  ...........  104 

Ceremonies  .  .  .  .  . . .105 

Women  excluded  ..........  105 


X 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Religion  ( cont .) 

Lacandones  (cont.) 

Ceremonies  (cont.) 

General  form  ,  .  105 

Renewal  rites  for  braseros . 105 

Time  of  year . 106 

Preparation . 106 

Braseros ,  braseritos,  and  drum  . . 107 

Number  in  an  encampment  .  .  .  .  .  .107 

Shelter  erected . 108 

Method  of  manufacture  . . 108 

Akna,  the  handled  incense-burner  .  .  .  .110 

Ceremonial  robe  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .111 

Interior  of  ceremonial  hut  .  .  .  .  .  .  .Ill 

Stages  to  every  offering  made  to  the  braseros .  .  .  .  116 

Character  of  chants .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .117 

Daily  gift  of  posol  to  old  braseros . 117 

Copal  placed  in  the  incense  bowls  .  .  .  .  .118 

Jicaras  of  posol  placed  . . 119 

Shell  blown  at  east  of  sacred  hut . 119 

Posol  administered  to  braseros ,  to  the  east  of  hut,  to  those 

on  the  shelf,  and  to  the  ceremonial  drum  .  .  119 

Shell  blown  at  east  of  hut  .......  120 

Copal  lighted  in  incense-burners  .  .  .  .  .120 

Chant  with  leaves  in  smoke  of  incense  ....  121 

Chant  over  members  of  family  with  leaves  .  .  .  121 

Second  administration  of  posol . 122 

Variations  of  rite  .  122 

Posol  distributed  ........  122 

Rite  of  offering  baltie,  buliwa,  meat,  and  fillets  to  the  old 

braseros  ........  123 

Preparation  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .123 

Making  baltSe . 123 

Chant  during  fermentation  .....  125 

Purification  ........  125 

Board  of  nodules  of  copal  ......  125 

Male  and  female  nodules  .....  125 

Survival  of  form  .......  126 

Purification  . . 127 

Jar  filled  with  baltse  .......  128 

Buliwa  placed  before  the  braseros  and  idols  .  .  .  128 

Mixture  of  cocoa  placed . 128 

Nodules  of  copal  placed . 128 

BaltSe  and  cocoa  placed  in  jicaras  .....  128 

Jar  refilled  ..........  129 

Second  and  third  set  of  jicaras  of  baltse  placed  before  the 

braseros . 129 

Bark  fillets  offered . 129 


CONTENTS 


XI 


PAGE 

Religion  ( cont .) 

Lacandones  ( cont .) 

Ceremonies  {cont.) 

Renewal  rites  for  braseros  {cont.) 

Rite  of  offering  baltse,  etc.  {cont.) 

Baltse  administered  to  braseros  and  other  points  .  .  129 

Jicaras  of  baltse  around  jar  distributed  ....  130 

Women  enter  sacred  inclosure . 130 

Second  administration  of  baltSe  from  jicaras  around  jar  .  130 

Shell  blown  at  east  of  hut  .......  130 

Buliwa  offered . 130 

BaltSe  before  braseros  offered . 131 

Board  of  nodules  offered  at  east  of  hut  ....  131 

Drum  beaten . 131 

Potion  of  baltSe  to  all  present . 132 

Board  of  nodules  offered  inside  hut  .....  132 

Second  potion  of  baltse  to  all  present  ....  132 

Third  administration  of  baltse  from  jicaras  around  jar  .  132 

Nodules  distributed  in  braseros . 132 

Dishes  of  meat  placed . 133 

Jicaras  refilled  around  jar . 133 

Fourth  administration  from  jicaras  around  jar  .  .'  .  133 
Jicaras  of  balt§e  around  jar  distributed  ....  133 

New  fire  kindled . 133 

Palm  leaves  distributed . 134 

Copal  nodules  in  incense  bowls  lighted  ....  134 

Chant  with  leaves  in  smoke  of  incense  ....  134 

Third  potion  of  baltse  given  to  all . 134 

Chant  with  leaves  over  family  ......  134 

Meat  offered . .135 

BaltSe  and  meat  administered  to  the  braseros  and  the 

other  points . 135 

Fifth  administration  of  baltSe  from  the  jicaras  around 

the  jar  .  135 

Jicaras  around  jar  distributed . 135 

Period  of  general  drinking  .......  135 

Obligatory  drunkenness . 136 

Piercing  ear  with  stone  point  .....  137 

Placing  body  over  fire  of  copal . 137 

Buliwa  and  meat  distributed  among  those  present  .  .  137 

Women  enter  sacred  inclosure  ......  138 

General  feasting  begins . 138 

Necessity  of  consuming  all  the  baltse  ....  138 

Fillets  distributed . 138 

Last  offering  of  posol  to  old  braseros  ....  138 

New  braseros  and  braseritos  brought  in  ...  138 

Condition  of  old  braseros  . . 139 

Cleaned  and  idols  extracted  ......  139 


CONTENTS 


xii 


PAGE 


Religion  ( cont .) 

Lacandones  (cont.) 

Ceremonies  (cont.) 

Renewal  rites  for  braseros  (cont.) 

Rite  of  offering  baltse,  etc.  (cont.) 

Old  braseros  placed  at  one  side  of  hut  .  * 

New  braseros  installed  in  their  place  ..... 

Offering  of  baltse  ........ 

Idol  placed  in  howl  of  incense-burner  .... 

Board  of  nodules  made . 

Offering  of  acliiote . 

Spots  painted . . 

Second  day  in  life  of  new  braseros  ...... 

Offering  of  posol  ........ 

Third  day,  offering  of  baltse  ....... 

Tamales  of  corn  placed  ....... 

Jar  filled  with  baltse  from  hollow  log  .... 

Jicaras  of  baltse  placed  before  braseros  and  braseritos  . 

Shell  blown  at  east  of  hut . . 

Baltse  administered  to  sacred  ollas  ..... 

Nodules  of  copal  placed  and  spattered  with  baltse  . 
Baltse  distributed  in  jicaras  from  those  around  jar  . 
Cigars  made  of  first  tobacco  and  offered  .... 

Second  administration  of  baltse  ..... 

Distribution  of  baltse  from  jicaras  around  jar  . 

Third  administration  of  baltse  ...... 

Jicaras  of  posol  brought  in  and  offered  .... 

Fourth  administration  of  baltse . 

Nodules  of  copal  offered  at  east  of  hut  .... 

Nodules  of  copal  offered  inside  hut . 

Fillets  of  bark  offered . 

Nodules  of  copal  distributed  in  braseros  and  braseritos 
New  fire  made  ......... 

Nodules  of  copal  lighted  ....... 

Different  articles  painted  with  acliiote  .... 

Chanting  with  leaves  in  smoke  of  incense  .... 

Chanting  with  leaves  over  family . 

Offering  of  frejoles  placed  ....... 

Tamales  and  frejoles  offered  ...... 

Necessity  of  giving  first  fruits  .  .  .  .  . 

Tamales  and  frejoles  administered  ..... 

Baltse  in  jicaras  before  sacred  ollas,  tamales,  and  fre¬ 
joles  distributed  ....... 

An  exchange  of  offerings  ...... 

Fillets  and  cigars  distributed  ...... 

Fourth  day  in  life  of  new  braseros  ...... 

Offering  of  posol  and  balls  of  ground  corn 
Fifth  day  .......... 

Offering  of  posol  and  cocoa  ...... 


140 

140 

140 

140 

140 

141 
141 

141 

142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 

142 

143 
143 
143 
143 

143 

144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 

144 

145 
145 


145 

145 

145 

145 

145 

145 

145 


CONTENTS 


xiii 

PAGE 

Religion  ( cont .) 

Lacandones  (cont.) 

Ceremonies  (cont.) 

Renewal  rites  for  braseros  (cont.) 

Sixth  day . 145 

Offering  of  posol  and  balls  of  ground  corn  .  .  .  145 

Seventh  day  ..........  145 

Offering  of  posol  and  cocoa  ......  145 

New  braseros  placed  on  shelf  .  .  .  .  .  146 

Ceremonial  hut  carefully  swept  ......  146 

Old  braseros  placed  in  nets  and  carried  to  cliff  .  .  .  146 

Braseritos  carried  and  deposited  at  Petlia  ....  147 

End  of  rite  ..........  147 

Rite  on  undertaking  a  journey . 147 

Nodules  made  ..........  147 

Chant  with  leaves  in  smoke  of  incense  .....  147 

Chant  over  members  of  family  about  to  depart  .  .  .  147 

Simple  offering  of  copal . 148 

Pilgrimage  to  home  of  a  god  .......  148 

Journey  ..........  148 

Celebration  of  rite . 149 

Divinatory  rite  in  woods . 150 

Mayas . 151 

Many  survivals  of  ancient  rites  .  151 

Causes  of  success  of  Spanish  missionaries  ......  151 

Catholic  religion  in  Yucatan  . . 152 

Cosmical  conceptions  .........  153 

Four  periods  to  history  of  the  earth . 153 

Seven  heavens  above  the  earth  and  their  inhabitants  .  .  .154 

Other  spirits  among  the  Mayas . 156 

Ceremonies  ...........  159 

Offering  to  Catholic  santos  . . 160 

Harvest  rite  . . 160 

Baltse  offered . . 160 

Nine  tortillas  made . 160 

Offering  to  four  cardinal  points  ......  161 

Rite  in  milpa  to  spirits  of  the  winds . 161 

Rite  for  rain . 162 

General  ceremony  for  rain  ........  162 

Rite  on  departure  for  hunting  .  162 

Corral  rite  . . 162 

Divination . 163 

By  crystal . 163 

By  corn  . . 163 

By  ring . 164 

New  fire  rite . . .  .  164 

Conclusions  . . 164 

Chants  .............  169 

Bibliography  .  191 


LIST  OF  PLATES 


PLATE 

I. 


II. 

1. 

2. 

III. 

1. 

2. 

IV. 

1. 

2. 

V. 

1. 

2. 

VI. 

1. 

2. 

VII. 

1. 

2. 

VIII. 

1. 

2. 

3. 

IX. 

1. 

2. 

X. 

1. 

2. 

XI. 

1. 

2. 

XII. 

1. 

2. 

XIII. 

1. 

2. 

3. 

XIV. 

1. 

2. 

3. 

XV. 

1. 

2. 

XVI. 

1. 

2. 

Diego  de  Landa,  first  Bishop  of  Yucatan. 


Usumacinta  River  above  Tenosique. 
Grand  Cenote  at  Cbichen  Itza. 


Group  of  Lacandones  from  the  Lacantun  River. 


Lacandone  boy  and  girl. 

2.  Two  Maya  women  and  child. 

Maya  from  Chichen  Itza. 

Two  Mayas  in  working  costume. 
Lacandone  settlement  from  the  east. 
Lacandone  settlement  from  the  south. 
Shelter  of  the  Lacandones. 


Lacandone  youth  shooting  fish  with  bow  and  arrows. 


Lacandone  loom. 


Back  of  the  ceremonial  robe  of  the  Lacandones. 

Maya  woman  modeling  a  pot. 

Lacandone  shell  necklace. 

Olla  used  in  collecting  the  soot  from  burning  copal. 
Lacandone  native  oboe. 

Design  on  ceremonial  robe  of  the  Lacandones. 

Typical  Lacandone  incense-burner. 

Incense-burner  from  Labna,  Yucatan. 

Incense-burner  from  Cozumel,  east  of  Yucatan. 
Incense-burner  from  the  Hondo  River,  British  Honduras. 
Incense-burner  from  the  Hondo  River,  British  Honduras. 
Lacandone  incense-burner. 


xv 


XVI 


LIST  OF  PLATES 


PLATE 

XVII. 


XVIII. 


XIX. 


XX. 


XXI. 


XXII. 


XXIII. 


XXIV. 


XXV. 


XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 

XXIX. 


1.  Incense-burner  from  the  State  of  Oaxaca. 

2.  Head  of  an  incense-burner  from  the  south  of  Yaxchilan. 

S.  Head  of  an  incense-burner  from  the  south  of  Yaxchilan. 

4.  Incense-burner  from  the  south  of  Yaxchilan. 

5.  Incised  incense-burner  of  the  Lacandones. 

1.  Mayas  dancing. 

2.  Lacandone  offering  two  braseritos  in  a  rite. 

1.  Clay  animal  of  the  Lacandones. 

2.  Smallest  type  of  the  Lacandone  incense-burner. 

8.  Handle  of  an  incense-burner  from  the  Ulloa  Kiver,  Honduras. 

4.  Wooden  bark  beater. 

1.  Interior  of  ceremonial  hut  of  the  Lacandones  from  the  northeast. 

2.  Ceremonial  drum  of  the  Lacandones. 

3.  Lacandone  chanting  before  old  braseros. 

1.  Incense-burner,  offering  of  baltse,  leaves,  and  a  cigar. 

2.  Lacandone  chanting  with  leaves. 

1.  Lacandone  youth  with  his  share  of  offering  of  posol. 

2.  Lacandones  making  baltse. 

3.  Two  logs  containing  baltse. 

1.  Board  for  offering  nodules  of  copal. 

2.  Nodule  of  copal  found  in  Yucatan. 

3.  Nodule  of  copal  found  in  Yucatan. 

1.  Leader  in  rite  sitting  before  jar  of  baltse. 

2.  Jar  containing  baltse. 

3.  Lacandone  offering  board  of  nodules  of  copal. 

1.  Lacandone  with  slain  monkey. 

2.  Lacandone  making  ceremonial  fire. 

1.  Lacandone  with  spotted  poncho  and  ceremonial  fillet. 

2.  Interior  of  sacred  hut  from  the  northwest. 

1.  Interior  of  sacred  hut  from  the  south. 

2.  Lacandones  carrying  out  the  “dead”  braseros. 

Three  atlantes  from  Chichen  Itza. 

1.  Three  Mayas  offering  posol  to  the  spirits  of  the  wind. 

2.  Maya  offering  posol. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  TEXT 


FIG.  PAGE 

1.  Woman  weaving,  from  Codex . 56 

2.  Lacandone  bow  and  arrows  . . 58 

3.  Package  of  flint  flakes  for  arrow  points  ......  60 

4.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse  ...  .  .  .  .66 

5.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltSe . 66 

6.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse  .......  66 

7.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse . 67 

8.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse . 67 

9.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse . .67 

10.  Incised  design  of  men  on  jicaras . 67 

11.  Incised  design  of  men  on  jicaras . .67 

12.  Incised  design  of  men  on  jicaras .  67 

13.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse . 68 

14.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse . 68 

15.  Incised  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse . .68 

16.  Incised  figure  on  cliff,  Lake  Petha . 68 

17.  Painted  figures  on  cliff,  Lake  Petha . 69 

18.  Figure  from  Codex  showing  face  painting . 73 

19.  Lacandone  gourd  rattle .  75 

20.  Figure  with  rattle,  from  Codex . 75 

21.  String  figure  of  chicken’s  foot . 76 

22.  String  figure,  “  sawing  wood  ” . 76 

23.  Stick  game  of  the  Mayas  .  . . 77 

24.  Jade  idol  of  the  Lacandones  .  .  .  . . 87 

25.  Idol  inside  jar,  from  Codex  . . 88 

26.  Lacandone  incense-burner,  Petha  type . 91 

27.  Offering  in  bee  rite,  from  Codex  . . 98 

28.  Molding  or  carving  incense-burner  or  idol,  from  Codex  .  .  .  109 

29.  Baking  incense-burner,  from  Codex . 109 

30.  Painting  idol  or  incense-burner,  from  Codex . 109 

31.  Painting  idol  or  incense-burner,  from  Codex  .....  109 

32.  Handled  incense-burner  of  the  Lacandones . .110 

33.  Plan  of  interior  of  sacred  hut,  or  hermita . 112 

34.  Figure  in  Codex  offering  leaves . 121 

35.  Top  of  male  nodule  of  copal  .  . . 125 

36.  Male  nodule  of  copal,  side  view . 126 

37.  Female  nodule  of  copal,  side  view . .  126 

38.  Copal  offered  in  bowls,  from  Codex . .  .  126 

39.  Figure  gathering  rubber,  from  Codex  .  .  .  .  .  .  .127 

40.  Jar  for  baltse,  from  Codex . .  127 

xvii 


xviii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FIG.  PAGE 

41.  Figure  offering  board  of  nodules  of  copal,  from  Codex  .  .  .  131 

42.  Figure  offering  board  of  nodules  of  copal,  from  Codex  .  .  .  131 

43.  Blood  rite,  from  Codex . .  136 

44.  Figure  showing  drunkenness,  from  Codex  ......  137 

45.  Carrying  the  incense-burner,  from  Codex  ......  139 

46.  Incense-burner  or  idol  covered  with  copal,  from  Codex  .  .  .  139 

47.  Figure  offering  meat  to  incense-burner  or  idol,  from  Codex  .  .  140 

48.  Figure  offering  corn  to  incense-burner  or  idol,  from  Codex  .  .  .  140 

49.  Smoking  rite,  from  Codex  .  . . .  .  143 


LIST  OF  CHANTS 


NO. 

1.  A  set  of  bow  and  arrows  offered  to  the  gods  when  a  boy  arrives  at  the 

age  of  puberty . 

2.  Eclipse  of  sun . 

3.  Divination  for  name  of  god  whose  presence  is  desired  .... 

4.  Divination  for  name  of  offering  desired  by  the  gods  .... 

5.  Distribution  of  copal  in  the  braseros  during  the  process  of  the  manu¬ 

facture  of  the  new  incense-burners . 

6.  An  offering  of  posol  placed  in  jicaras  before  the  line  of  braseros . 

7.  An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  braseros  .... 

8.  An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  brasero  of  Usukun 

9.  An  offering  of  posol  offered  at  the  east  of  the  sacred  hut 

10.  An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  braseros  on  the  shelf 

11.  An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  drum,  Qaiyum 

12.  Palm  leaves  distributed  to  the  participants  in  the  rite  .... 

13.  Palm  leaves  held  over  the  smoke  of  the  burning  incense 

14.  Chant  over  a  young  boy  with  the  palm  leaves  consecrated  in  the  smoke 

of  the  incense  . . 

15.  A  jicara  of  posol  distributed  to  each  of  the  participants 

16.  Individual  offering  of  a  particle  of  the  gift  of  posol  .... 

17.  Chant  given  during  the  fermentation  of  the  ceremonial  drink 

18.  Purification  of  the  ceremonial  drink  contained  in  the  hollow  log  . 

19.  Purification  of  the  nodules  of  copal . 

20.  An  offering  of  baltse  and  cacao  placed  before  the  braseros 

21.  An  offering  of  bark  fillets  to  the  gods . 

22.  Baltse  administered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  . 

23.  An  offering  of  baltse  at  the  east  of  the  sacred  hut  .... 

24.  A  jicara  of  baltse  distributed  to  each  of  the  participants  . 

25.  Answer  of  those  receiving  the  gift  of  baltse . 

26.  A  jicara  of  baltse  given  to  each  of  the  members  of  the  family  of  the 

leader  of  the  rite . 

27.  Individual  offering  of  a  small  portion  of  the  gift  of  baltse  . 

28.  Buliwa  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  .... 

29.  Baltse  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  .... 

30.  The  nodules  of  copal  about  to  be  offered  to  the  gods  .... 

31.  The  nodules  of  copal  offered  at  the  east  of  the  ceremonial  hut 

32.  The  nodules  of  copal  offered  to  the  braseros  inside  the  ceremonial  hut 

in  behalf  of  the  gods . 

33.  The  nodules  of  copal  distributed  in  the  braseros . 

34.  An  offering  of  meat  placed  before  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  . 

xix 


PAGE 

169 

169 

170 

171 

171 

173 

173 

174 

174 

174 

174 

175 

175 

175 

176 

176 

177 

178 

178 

179 

179 

180 

181 

181 

181 

181 

181 

181 

182 

182 

182 

183 

183 

184 


XX 


LIST  OF  CHANTS 


NO.  PAGE 

35.  A  potion  of  the  ceremonial  drink  given  to  the  leader  ....  184 

36.  A  gift  of  meat  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  .  .  .  184 

37.  An  offering  of  meat  and  buliwa  administered  to  the  braseros  .  .  184 

38.  The  offering  of  meat  and  buliwa  presented  at  the  east  of  the  ceremo¬ 

nial  hut  ............  185 

39.  The  offering  of  meat  and  buliwa  distributed  to  the  participants  .  .  185 

40.  Individual  offering  of  a  particle  of  the  gift  of  meat  and  buliwa  .  .  185 

41.  The  last  offering  of  posol  to  the  old  braseros  .....  186 

42.  The  old  braseros  cleaned  and  the  idols  removed . 186 

43.  The  first  offering  made  to  the  new  braseros  and  the  idol  placed  inside 

the  bowl . 186 

44.  An  offering  of  posol  given  to  the  new  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  .  187 

45.  An  offering  of  baltse  administered  to  each  of  the  braseritos  .  .  187 

46.  An  offering  of  baltse  given  to  the  ceremonial  jar  ....  188 

47.  A  gift  of  tobacco  given  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  .  .  188 

48.  A  gift  of  posol  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  .  .  .  188 

49.  A  gift  of  frejoles  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods  .  .  188 

50.  A  gift  of  frejoles  and  tamales  administered  to  the  braseros  .  .  .  188 

51.  The  chant  used  when  a  journey  is  to  be  undertaken  ....  189 


KEY  TO  THE  PRONUNCIATION  OF  MAYA 
WORDS 

The  vowels  and  consonants  have  their  continental  sounds  with  the  following 
exceptions :  — 

a  like  u  in  hut 
ai  like  i  in  island 

k  (Beltran’s  c)  ordinary  palatal  k 
q  (Beltran’s  k)  velar  k 
g  (Beltran’s  o)  ts  explosive  or  fortis 
o  (Beltran’s  tz)  ts  non-explosive 
s  (Beltran’s  x)  like  sh  in  hush 
ts  (Beltran’s  ch)  like  ch  in  church 
ts  (Beltran’s  ch)  ch  explosive 
p  (Beltran’s  pp)  p  explosive 
t  (Beltran’s  fh)  t  explosive 


INTRODUCTION 


The  Mayas  of  Yucatan  and  the  Lacandones  of  Chiapas,  Mex¬ 
ico,  and  the  upper  Usumacinta  River  both  belong  to  the  same 
branch  of  the  great  Maya-Quiche  linguistic  stock.  There  is 
no  distinction  made  between  the  people  of  these  two  localities 
when  they  are  taken  in  connection  with  those  of  the  less  closely 
allied  branches  of  this  linguistic  family,  the  Quiche,-  the  Choi, 
the  Tzeltal,  the  Mam,  the  Pokom,  and  the  Huaxteca  groups. 
The  Mayas  of  Yucatan  together  with  the  Lacandones  are  usu¬ 
ally  designated  as  forming  the  Maya  proper,  and  I  shall  limit 
myself  in  this  study  to  a  consideration  of  this  group  alone. 

The  Maya  of  Yucatan  and  the  Lacandone  are  separated  only 
by  a  slight  dialectical  difference.  This  is  now  about  the  only 
common  ground  on  which  to  judge  the  people  of  the  two  locali¬ 
ties.  A  comparison  of  the  life  and  customs  of  the  two  sections 
affords  a  most  striking  example  of  the  effect  of  Spanish  contact 
upon  a  portion  of  a  once  homogeneous  people,  one  part  having 
lived  in  close  and  intimate  relations  with  Spanish  influences 
since  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  and  the  other  entirely  free 
from  all  close  contact  with  the  Spanish-Mexican  element  of  the 
population. 

In  speaking  of  the  Maya  of  Yucatan,  the  typical  native  of 
the  country  will  be  considered,  not  a  resident  of  one  of  the 
large  towns  or  cities,  but  the  Maya  who  lives  in  one  of  the 
small  Indian  pueblos  scattered  everywhere  throughout  the  pen¬ 
insula.  In  the  eastern  section  of  Yucatan,  there  was  to  be 
found  not  long  ago  what  one  might  call  the  pure  Yucatan  Maya. 
In  the  southernmost  sections  of  the  peninsula,  he  still  exists. 

In  eastern  and  southern  Yucatan  there  are  three  different 
settlements  of  Mayas  which  are  practically  independent.  The 
Mayas  occupying  the  eastern  portion  of  the  peninsula  have 

1 


o 


MAYAS  AND  LAGANDONES 


never  been  completely  conquered  by  the  Mexican  troops  sent 
against  them.  The  last  general  uprising  was  in  1847.  The 
stronghold  of  the  sublevados  bravos  (fighting  insurgents)  was 
called  Chan  Santa  Cruz.  This  was  destroyed  by  the  Mexican 
troops  and  the  site  is  now  occupied  by  them  as  a  camp.  The 
Indians  live  in  the  bush  and  keep  up  a  guerrilla  warfare  with 
the  Mexicans  sent  against  them  even  up  to  the  present  time. 
Travel  in  this  portion  of  the  peninsula,  unless  one  is  accom¬ 
panied  by  a  detachment  of  Mexican  soldiers,  is  dangerous, 
owing  to  the  untrustworthiness  of  these  Indians  and  to  their 
fear  of  allowing  a  Mexican  spy  to  ascertain  their  true  condition. 
Mr.  Sapper  1  estimates  these  Indians  formerly  to  have  numbered 
about  forty  thousand  and  now  to  be  not  more  than  a  fourth  of 
this  number. 

In  the  southern  portion  of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  west  of 
Belize  and  north  of  Peten,  there  are  two  practically  independ¬ 
ent  Indian  states,  that  of  Ixkanha  in  central  Yucatan,  which 
has  intercourse  with  Campeche  to  the  westward,  and  that  of 
Icaiehe  farther  to  the  south,  which  carries  on  trade  relations 
with  Orange  Walk  in  British  Honduras.  These  states, 
according  to  Sapper,1  number  respectively  eight  thousand 
and  five  hundred.  They  were  formerly  in  league  with  the 
Indians  of  Chan  Santa  Cruz,  but  in  1853  they  made  a  treaty 
with  the  Mexican  government,  thus  arousing  the  hatred  of  their 
former  allies.  These  two  Indian  states  have  full  independ¬ 
ence  in  internal  affairs,  and  they  in  turn  recognize  the  authority 
of  Mexico,  and  their  officers  have  nominally  to  be  confirmed  by 
the  central  government  of  Mexico.  These  people  stand  half¬ 
way  between  the  civilized  Mayas  to  the  northward  and  the 
Lacandones  to  the  south.  I  have  no  personal  knowledge  of 
these  Indians,  and  they  will  not  be  considered  in  the  following 
report. 

For  my  comparison,  I  shall  take  the  Lacandone  as  he  is 

1  Sapper,  1895,  pp.  197-201 ;  1904,  pp.  623-624.  I  have  availed  myself  of 
this  article  for  the  greater  part  of  the  facts  in  the  account  above.  [Articles  are 
referred  to  by  date  and  the  titles  may  be  found  in  the  bibliography  at  the  end.] 


INTRODUCTION 


8 


found  to-day,  unchanged  and  untrammeled  by  Spanish  contact, 
and  the  Maya  proper  of  Yucatan,  a  being  now  essentially 
Mexican,  but  still  retaining,  however,  his  native  dress,  lan¬ 
guage,  general  mode  of  living,  and  fundamental  ideas  con¬ 
cerning  religion. 

The  term  “  Maya  ”  will  be  used  as  meaning,  not  the  people 
linguistically  considered  and  taken  as  a  whole,  but  simply  the 
native  population  of  Yucatan.  I  shall  touch  upon  the  ancient 
culture  of  the  Mayas  only  as  it  is  shown  as  surviving  among 
the  people  of  the  present  time. 

Both  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones  call  themselves  mas - 
sewal.  This  comes  from  the  Nahuatl  word  masehualli 
(plural  masehualtin),  meaning  the  lower  class  of  working 
people.  This  name  is  thought  by  some  to  have  been  given  to 
those  of  the  inhabitants  who  originally  come  from  Mexico. 
It  is  now  applied  to  all  the  natives  of  the  country  without 
distinction.  The  white  people  of  the  land  know  the  Indians 
of  the  peninsula  as  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones  as  Caribes. 
This  later  name  is  of  course  inappropriate,  as  the  inhabitants 
of  Chiapas  have  no  connection  with  the  tribe  commonly  known 
as  Caribes,  which  was  originally  found  in  northern  South 
America. 

The  name  “  Lacandone  ”  has  been  given  to  the  natives  of 
Chiapas  and  the  upper  Usumacinta  River  by  writers  to  dis¬ 
tinguish  them  from  the  Mayas  proper  of  Yucatan.  The  name 
is  probably  a  debased  form  for  Lacantun,  which  means,  in 
Maya,  great  or  massive  rocks.  The  form  ton  is  used  for  tun  in 
several  dialects  of  the  Maya,  and  we  would  then  have  Lacanton. 
The  surd  t  may  easily  have  been  mistaken  for  the  sonant  d. 
Mistakes  in  mixing  the  surd  and  sonant  are  common  in  the 
native  place  names  as  recorded  by  the  Spaniards.  The  term 
“  Lacantun  ’’  is  still  found  in  its  correct  form  in  the  name  of  one 
of  the  rivers  flowing  into  the  upper  Usumacinta,  on  which  settle¬ 
ments  of  this  people  are  found.  It  has  seemed  best  to  retain 
the  name  Lacandone  as  designating  the  people  about  whom  we 
are  to  speak.  This  is  done  in  order  to  avoid  confusion,  inas- 


4 


MAYAS  AND  LAC AN BONES 


much  as  most  of  the  early  Spanish  authorities  use  this  form  of 
the  word,  although  it  has  no  derivation  in  Maya.  Mr.  Seler 
considers  that  the  right  term  is  Acandon,  as  used  by  Alonso 
Ponce  in  1586. 1  This  name  would  be  derived  from  acan,  to 
groan  or  to  thunder,  and  tun  or  ton,  stone.  Mr.  Seler  further 
suggests  that  the  term  may  also  have  been  applied  to  an  idol. 
Stephens  speaks  of  the  Candones  or  “  unbaptized  Indians  who 
live  as  their  fathers  did.”2  These  were  in  all  probability  the 
same  people  as  the  present-day  Lacandones. 

Early  historians  when  speaking  of  the  Mayas  in  general 
always  include  the  Lacandones  and  the  Itzas,  who  inhabited 
the  country  around  Lake  Peten  in  Guatemala.  At  that  time, 
all  three  people  had  practically  the  same  language,  religion, 
and  customs.  After  the  conquest  of  the  Itzas  in  1697,  the 
province  was  held  only  by  a  small  garrison  of  Mexican  troops 
for  over  half  a  century,  when  it  was  finally  made  into  a  criminal 
colony.  The  people  now  inhabiting  this  portion  of  the  country 
around  Lake  Peten  are  a  peaceful,  quiet  lot,  and  aye  more 
Mexican  in  character  than  Maya. 

The  Lacandones  inhabit  the  territory  to  the  south  of  Tenosi- 
que,  Tabasco,  and  west  of  the  Usumacinta  River  in  the  state 
of  Chiapas,  the  country  drained  by  the  rivers  Lacantum  and 
Lacanha,  which  unite  with  the  Chixoy,  or  Salinas,  to  form  the 
Usumacinta.  The  country  of  the  Lacandones  is  crossed  and 
recrossed  by  rivers  and  streams,  thus  furnishing  an  abundant 
water  supply.  The  soil  is  fertile  owing  to  the  many  rivers 
and  the  dense  tropical  vegetation.  There  are  several  large 
lakes  in  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Lacandones. 

Many  of  the  early  writers  and  some  even  down  to  within  a 
comparatively  few  years  ago  have  made  a  twofold  division  of 
the  Lacandones,  —  the  eastern  Lacandones,  living  on  the  Rio  de 
la  Pasion  and  east  of  the  Usumacinta,  a  harmless  agricultural 
people  who  spoke  Maya  ;  and  the  western  Lacandones  who 
spoke  Choi  or  Putum,  a  dialect  of  the  Maya  stock.3  The 

2  Stephens,  1841,  Vol.  II,  p.  195. 

3  Berendt,  1867,  p.  425. 


1  Seler,  1901,  pp.  5,  6. 


INTRODUCTION 


5 


Lacandones  of  Lake  Petha,  who  would  naturally  belong  to  the 
western  division,  do  not  speak  Choi,  but  Maya  and  a  Maya 
differing  very  slightly  from  that  spoken  in  Yucatan,  as  will  be 
shown  in  the  linguistic  part  of  this  study.  This  former  classi¬ 
fication  has  broken  down,  and  there  is  no  longer  any  reason 
to  suppose  that  there  is  a  body  of  Lacandones  speaking  the 
Choi  dialect  of  the  Maya  stock.1  In  the  names  of  a  few  of  the 
gods  worshiped  by  the  Lacandones  at  the  present  time,  and 
in  the  painting  of  the  face  during  some  of  the  religious  rites, 
there  seems  to  be  some  slight  variation  as  one  travels  from 
the  east  to  the  west.  This  may  point  to  some  original  differ¬ 
ence  in  the  composition  of  the  people. 

As  far  as  could  be  ascertained  both  from  observation  and 
inquiries,  there  seem  to  be  no  large  settlements  of  this  people 
in  any  part  of  the  country.  They  are  very  much  disseminated, 
living  in  small  family  groups,  each  with  its  animal  totem.  As 
far  as  I  know,  there  is  only  one  family  of  Lacandones  living  near 
the  banks  of  the  Usumacinta  River,  and  also  only  a  single  family 
on  the  lower  Lacantun.  Within  the  last  five  years  the  whole 
country  has  been  overrun  with  mahogany  cutters,  and  their 
canoes  are  constantly  passing  up  and  down  the  rivers.  As  a 
consequence  of  this  intrusion,  the  Lacandones  have  pressed  back 
farther  into  the  interior  and  have  made  their  homes  on  the 
smaller  streams  flowing  into  the  Usumacinta  and  Lacantun. 

Concerning  their  number,  one  hestitates  in  giving  even  an 
estimate,  inasmuch  as  they  are  scattered  over  so  wide  a  range 
of  country.  Mr.  Sapper  is  nearer  the  truth,  it  seems  to  me, 
in  his  earlier  statement,  in  which  he  places  the  number  of 
Lacandones  as  between  two  hundred  and  three  hundred.2  In 
a  later  publication3  he  places  the  number  at  five  hundred, 
although  he  questions  the  accuracy  of  this  numeration. 

1  Seler  (1895,  pp.  21-53  ;  1904,  pp.  75-122)  speaks  of  a  letter  he  received 
from  Mr.  Sapper  denying  the  fact  of  a  western  body  of  Lacandones  speaking 
Choi.  Mr.  Sapper  also  states  that  the  Lacandones  who  held  out  so  successfully 
against  die  constant  expeditions  sent  against  them  by  the  Spaniards  spoke  the 
Maya  proper  in  part  at  least. 

2  Sapper,  1897,  p.  259. 


3  Ibid.,  1904,  a ,  p.  9. 


6 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DONE  8 


The  Mayas,  on  the  other  hand,  may  be  numbered  by  the  tens 
of  thousands.  Brinton  estimates  the  number  of  pure  Mayas 
as  two  hundred  thousand  and  those  of  mixed  blood  as  number¬ 
ing  one  hundred  thousand.1  Mr.  Sapper  estimates  the  num¬ 
ber  of  Mayas  in  Yucatan,  Campeche,  Chiapas,  Tabasco,  Peten, 
and  British  Honduras  as  three  hundred  thousand.2  Whole 
villages  and  cities  in  Yucatan  are  composed  entirely  of  Mayas. 
In  the  eastern  section  until  a  very  few  years  ago,  as  has  been 
stated,  they  held  undisputed  control. 

The  country  occupied  by  both  these  dialects  of  the  Maya 
stock  furnishes  the  inhabitants  with  game  of  all  kinds  and 
many  fruits  and  vegetables  which  grow  wild. 

Both  the  Lacandones  and  the  Mayas  are  inherently  a  moral 
people.  They  have  a  certain  code  of  conduct  and  live  up  to 
that  with  great  faithfulness.  The  family  life  of  the  .Lacan¬ 
dones  is  both  simple  and  pure.  Polygyny  is  practiced. 
When  the  men  are  not  engaged  in  hunting  and  fishing,  they  are 
busy  in  the  observances  of  their  religious  ceremonies,  carried  on 
before  their  incense-burners  in  behalf  of  the  family  gods.  The 
main  object  of  these  rites  is  to  cure  diseases  and  to  avert  evils. 

The  family  life  of  the  Maya  proper  is  for  the  most  part 
good.  The  Mexican  looseness  in  this  respect,  as  in  many 
others,  has  come  in  to  take  the  place  of  the  simple  and  natural 
conditions  formerly  existing.  The  natives  of  the  cities  and 
towns  naturally  feel  more  heavily  the  effect  of  the  contact 
with  these  new  influences. 

The  religion  of  the  Lacandone  is  clearly  a  survival  of  that 
described  by  the  early  historians  as  existing  throughout  Yuca¬ 
tan  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  In  the  peninsula  at  the  present  time,  owing  to  the 
influence  of  the  energetic  Spanish  priests  and  missionaries,  there 
is  existing  a  nominal  Catholic  religion.  In  the  less  populated 
districts,  however,  the  fundamental  religious  ideas  of  the  na¬ 
tives  savor  greatly  of  the  former  religion  of  the  country.  There 
are,  moreover,  rites  still  carried  on  which  are  native  in  character. 

1  Brinton,  1882,  p.  19.  2  Sapper,  1904,  a,  p.  9. 


HISTORY 


The  Mayas  in  all  probability  are  not  indigenous  in  Yuca¬ 
tan.  The  myths  and  early  historians  tell  of  a  twofold  mi¬ 
gration  into  Yucatan  in  the  earliest  times,  one  from  the  east,  or 
more  exactly  from  the  southeast,  and  the  other  from  the  west  or 
southwest.1  The  migration  from  the  east  was  much  less  numer¬ 
ous  than  that  from  the  west.  Brinton  identifies  the  eastern  ar¬ 
rival  as  a  sun  myth,  but  the  other  is  supported  by  the  chronicles 
of  the  Mayas,  and  certainly  has  some  historical  importance.2 
If  we  accept  the  idea  of  the  two  migrations,  we  can  assume 
that  they  were  composed  of  people  of  the  same  stock,  possess¬ 
ing  the  same  language,  customs,  and  religion.  The  situation  of 
the  ruins  in  Yucatan  and  the  country  to  the  southward  seems 
to  give  weight  to  the  idea  of  a  twofold  migration.  There  is 
a  line  of  ruined  cities  stretching  southeast  into  Honduras  and 
another  to  the  southwest  toward  the  River  Champoton. 

The  eastern  migration  is  supposed  to  have  had  among  its 
members  the  culture  hero,  Zamna,  or  Itzamna,  to  whom  is  as¬ 
cribed  the  invention  of  the  characters  used  by  the  early  Mayas 
in  writing. 

After  many  years  of  wandering,  Chichen  Itza  became  the 
headquarters  of  this  eastern  migration. 

At  a  later  date  the  second  and  westerly  migration  from 
Tabasco  and  Champoton  took  place  under  the  command  of 
the  Tutul-Xius. 

According  to  the  early  chronicles,  the  Chanes,  or  Itzas,  who 
had  founded  Chichen  Itza,  also  established  at  a  later  date  settle¬ 
ments  at  Izamal  and  T-ho,  the  present  site  of  the  city  of 
Merida. 

Chichen  Itza  was  governed  by  three  brothers,  one  of  whom 
i  Molina,  1896,  p.  xii.  2  Brinton,  1882,  p.  20. 


7 


MAYAS  AND  LA G ANDO N ES 


absented  liimself  from  the  kingdom.  The  remaining  two  be¬ 
came  tyrannical,  internal  discord  broke  out,  and  civil  war  re¬ 
sulted.  Chichen  Itza  was  finally  abandoned,  and,  after  many 
years  of  wandering,  the  Itzas  established  themselves  in  Chan- 
Peten.1  Here  there  was  prosperity  for  many  years.  For 
some  motive  not  clearly  shown,  a  move  was  made  to  the  north¬ 
ward  and  the  city  of  Mayapan  founded.  At  the  same  time 
war  was  made  against  the  Caciques  of  Izamal  and  Motul  with 
the  aid  of  the  Xius,  who  had  come  from  the  southwest  and 
founded  the  city  of  Uxmal  at  a  time  previous  to  the  settlement 
of  Mayapan. 

It  was  in  ahau  two  of  the  Maya  chronology  that  the  famous 
confederation  was  made  among  the  cities  of  Uxmal,  Izamal,  Ma¬ 
yapan,  and  Chichen  Itza,  which  had  been  reestablished  after  the 
return  of  the  Itzas  from  the  south.  It  was  probably  during 
this  confederation,  which  lasted  over  two  hundred  years,  that 
Ivukulcan  came  to  Yucatan  from  the  southwest.  According 
to  the  early  accounts,  he  brought  the  ideas  of  religion  found 
existing  among  the  Mayas  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  After 
he  had  seen  his  ideas  carried  out,  he  departed  as  mysteriously 
as  he  had  come. 

Civil  war  broke  out  immediately  after  the  withdrawal  of 
Kukulcan,  between  the  cities  of  Chichen  Itza  and  Mayapan. 
Izamal  espoused  the  cause  of  Chichen  Itza.  The  leader  of 
Mayapan  called  to  his  aid  the  Nahuas,  who  had  settlements 
in  Tabasco.  With  the  help  of  this  foreign  force,  Chichen  and 
finally  Izamal  fell  under  the  power  of  Mayapan. 

The  ruling  power  at  Mayapan  fell  to  the  house  of  Cocomes. 
Owing  to  the  tyranny  of  one  of  the  kings  of  this  family,  the 
Tutul-Xius,  who  up  to  this  time  had  not  joined  against  Maya¬ 
pan,  made  an  uprising  which  was  entered  into  by  the  former 
inhabitants  of  Chichen  and  Izamal.  The  city  of  Mayapan  and 
the  power  of  the  Cocomes  were  destroyed.  A  son  alone  was 
saved  by  being  absent  from  the  city  at  the  time  of  the  up¬ 
rising. 


1  Brinton,  1882,  p.  96. 


HISTORY 


9 


On  the  return  of  this  surviving  member  of  the  family  of  the 
Cocomes,  his  followers  gathered  around  him  and  they  founded 
the  city  of  Tibulon  in  the  district  of  Zotuta. 

One  of  the  former  priests  of  Mayapan  was  the  founder  of  the 
family  of  Cheles  in  the  district  of  Izamal.  The  Tutul-Xius 
founded  a  new  capital  at  Mani.  After  the  destruction  of  Maya¬ 
pan,  Yucatan  was  divided  for  the  most  part  among  the  three 
families  of  the  Xius,  the  Cocomes,  and  the  Cheles,  among  whom 
there  existed  the  most  intense  hatred.  There  was  a  state  of 
constant  warfare. 

This,  briefly,  is  the  history  of  Yucatan  up  to  the  time  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards.  The  accounts  are  often  conflicting, 
and  there  are  many  places  where  the  myths  and  the  early 
chronicles  are  silent. 

In  1502  on  the  fourth  and  last  voyage  of  Columbus,  when 
the  expedition  was  in  the  Gulf  of  Honduras,  an  Indian  canoe 
was  encountered  which  had  probably  put  out  from  the  shores 
of  Yucatan.  This  was  the  first  news  in  Europe  of  the  exist¬ 
ence  of  Yucatan. 

In  1506  two  of  the  companions  of  Columbus  set  out  to  in¬ 
vestigate  the  former  vague  reports.  They  were  in  the  Gulf  of 
Honduras,  and,  “turning  to  the  northward,  discovered  a  great 
part  of  Yucatan.”1 

In  the  year  1511  Geronimo  de  Aguilar  and  Valdivia  were 
shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan.  Valdivia  and  four  of 
the  sailors  were,  according  to  the  early  accounts,  sacrificed  by 
the  natives  of  the  country  and  afterward  eaten.  Aguilar  and 
another  companion,  Guerrero,  who  were  reserved  until  a  later 
time,  managed  to  escape  into  the  country  to  the  southward. 

In  1517  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba  set  sail  from  Cuba 
for  Yucatan.  He  touched  first  at  the  Isla  de  Las  Mujeres  and 
then  sailed  round  the  northern  side  of  the  peninsula  and  to 
the  south  as  far  as  Campeche.  The  natives  stoutly  resisted  the 
Spaniards  at  every  opportunity.  In  the  following  year  the 
governor  of  Cuba,  Diego  Velasquez,  sent  Juan  de  Grijalva  to 
1  Herrera,  1601-1615,  Dec.  I,  Libro  VI,  Cap.  XVII. 


10 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN BONES 


the  new  land.  Francisco  de  Montejo,  who  later  played  a  great 
part  in  the  history  of  the  country,  accompanied  this  expedition, 
as  well  as  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo.  They  landed  at  Cozumel, 
and  they,  also,  went  around  the  north  of  the  peninsula  and 
down  the  western  side  to  Tabasco. 

In  1519  Hernando  Cortes  set  sail  in  company  with  Montejo 
to  take  possession  of  Yucatan  in  the  name  of  Spain.  They 
rounded  Cape  Catoche  and  landed  at  Cozumel.  They  finally 
retraced  their  course  and  went  to  Tabasco  and  the  Boca  del 
Terminos.  The  Indians  often  showed,  great  courage  in  their 
resistance  to  the  advance  of  the  Spaniards. 

In  the  year  1526  Montejo,  who  had  accompanied  both  Gri¬ 
jalva  and  Cortes,  came  to  Yucatan  with  His  son.  The  former 
was  the  first  Adelantado  of  the  country  under  a  grant  from  the 
king  of  Spain.  After  great  difficulty,  he  made  a  settlement  at 
Chichen  Itza,  which,  later,  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  on  ac¬ 
count  of  the  hostility  of  the  natives.  In  1535  he  was  finally 
driven  from  the  country.  In  1540,  however,  after  a  long  strug¬ 
gle,  he  conquered  part  of  Campeche.  About  this  time  he  dele¬ 
gated  all  his  powers  to  his  son,  who  returned  to  Yucatan  and 
conquered  it  again  in  behalf  of  the  king. 

In  1542  the  city  of  Merida  was  founded  on  the  site  of  the 
native  Maya  settlement  of  T-ho,  and  Valladolid  was  made  an 
encampment  in  the  following  year.  In  1546  an  Indian  insur¬ 
rection  broke  out,  and  the  Spaniards  in  Valladolid  were  mur¬ 
dered  almost  to  a  man.1 

There  was  no  large  attempt  made  at  Christianizing  the  na¬ 
tives  until  the  year  1546,  when  one  hundred  and  fifty  missiona¬ 
ries  were  sent  over  from  Spain.  It  was  in  this  year  that  Bar- 
tolome  de  Las  Casas  arrived  at  Campeche.  He  was  one  of  the 
earliest  of  the  historians  of  the  country.  Villalpando  settled 
at  about  this  time  at  Campeche,  where  he  founded  a  convent, 
and  later  at  Merida,  where  another  convent  was  established. 

In  the  year  1548  the  province  of  Yucatan  was  made  subject 
to  Mexico. 


1  Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  V. 


HISTORY 


11 


About  1551  Diego  de  Landa  was  sent  to  Yucatan  as  a  mis¬ 
sionary  (PI.  I).  Twenty  years  later  he  was  made  Bishop  of 
Merida.  He  took  energetic  measures  to  exterminate  the 
native  religion  and  convert  the  Mayas  to  Christianity.  His 
book,  entitled  “  Relacion  de  Las  Cosas  de  Yucatan,”  is  one  of 
the  few  authorities  from  which  a  start  can  be  made  in  studying 
the  calendar  system  of  the  early  Mayas.  His  account  of  the 
customs  and  ceremonies  of  the  natives  at  the  time  of  the  Con¬ 
quest  is  the  best  that  we  possess. 

Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  a  companion  of  Cortes,  is  another 
historian  who  wrote  in  this  century.  His  accounts  are  gen¬ 
erally  considered  more  truthfully  drawn  than  those  of  his 
master. 

The  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  is  marked  by  the 
number  of  Spaniards  who  visited  Yucatan  and  the  country 
to  the  south.  They  returned  and  wrote  full  accounts  of  the 
history  of  the  country  and  of  their  travels.  Many  of  these 
men  came  to  Yucatan  and  Tabasco  as  missionaries.  Antonio 
de  Remesal  was  a  visitador  of  the  Dominican  order  from  1613  to 
1617.  While  in  Central  America,  he  wrote  his  “  Historia  de 
las  Provincias  de  Chiapa  y  Guatemala.”  1  Antonio  de  Herrera 
was  an  historian  under  Philip  II  of  Spain.  In  the  first  quarter 
of  the  century,  he  wrote  a  work  entitled  “  Historia  general  de 
los  hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en  las  islas  y  tierra  firme  del  mar 
Oceano.”  Diego  Lopez  de  Cogolludo,  a  Spanish  Franciscan, 
spent  the  second  quarter  of  the  century  in  Yucatan.  His 
“  Historia  de  Yucatan”  is  the  best  authority  on  the  early  history 
of  the  country  down  to  1655.  Torquemada  and  Lizana  were 
other  historians  who  belonged  to  this  century. 

Since  that  time  Yucatan  has  been  taken  up,  more  or  less 
at  length,  in  all  the  histories  of  Mexico  and  many  of  those 
of  Central  America.  The  best  of  the  more  recent  books  is 
one  written  by  a  native  of  Yucatan,  Don  Juan  F.  Molina  y 
Solis,  “  Historia  del  descubrimiento  y  conquista  de  Yucatan  con 
una  resena  de  la  historia  antigua.”  A  second  volume  has  lately 

1  No  attempt  at  bibliographical  fullness  has  been  made  in  the  works  noted. 


12 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN DONES 


been  published,  bringing  the  history  down  to  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Later  volumes  will  follow,  bringing  the 
work  down  to  the  present  time. 

In  regard  to  the  history  of  the  Lacandones,  we  know 
very  little.  The  people  of  Peten  are  supposed  to  have  come 
from  the  north  at  the  first  appearance  of  the  Spaniards.  In 
1525  Cortes  made  his  famous  journey  through  Tabasco, 
Chiapas,  and  Guatemala  to  Honduras.  The  Indians  whom 
he  describes  inhabiting  this  territory  were  undoubtedly 
Lacandones. 

In  the  year  1537  Las  Casas  and  Piedro  de  Angulo  set  out 
to  Christianize  the  Indians  of  the  Tierra  de  G-uerra ,  now  known 
as  Vera  Paz,  part  of  the  territory  through  which  Cortes  had 
passed  on  his  way  to  Honduras.  The  missionaries  realized 
that  as  long  as  the  Indians  lived  scattered  through  the  country, 
the  work  of  conversion  would  be  slow.  They  endeavored, 
therefore,  to  gather  the  natives  into  towns.  This  they  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  doing  only  in  part. 

The  Lacandones  seem  to  have  resisted  all  the  attempts  at 
Christianization.  In  1555  they,  together  with  the  natives 
of  Acalan,  slew  with  their  arrows  two  priests  and  thirty  of 
the  Indians  of  Vera  Paz  who  had  yielded  to  the  teachings  of 
the  missionaries.1 

Four  years  later  a  determined  attempt  was  made  against 
the  Lacandones.  The  expedition  set  out  from  Comitlan, 
reached  the  settlements  of  the  Indians,  and  drove  all  before 
them.  The  victory  was  not  followed  up,  however,  and  no 
definite  results  of  submission  were  accomplished. 

Various  attempts  were  made  at  about  this  time  to  conquer 
“  the  powerful  tribe”  of  the  Itzas,  whose  stronghold  was  on  an 
island  in  Lake  Peten  in  Guatemala.  In  1618  two  missionaries 
left  Merida  for  Peten,  from  which,  two  years  later,  they  barely 
escaped  with  their  lives.2  Two  years  after  this  a  Franciscan 
went  from  Bacalar  to  Peten,  where  he  was  treacherously  put  to 

1  Villagutierre,  1701,  Bk.  I,  Chap.  IX,  X. 

2  Ibid.,  1701,  Bk.  II,  Chaps.  II,  III. 


HISTORY 


13 


death.1  Again,  in  1646,  another  vain  attempt  was  made,  this 
time  from  Campeche  and  up  the  Usumacinta  River. 

In  1675  and  again  ten  years  later,  more  successful  attempts 
at  Christianizing  the  Choles  were  made,  but  all  endeavors  to 
conquer  the  Lacandones  met  with  failure. 

In  the  year  1695  a  combined  effort  was  made  to  conquer 
these  Indians.  One  expedition  moved  from  the  province  of 
Vera  Paz,  another  from  Gueguetenango,  and  a  third  under 
the  command  of  Barrios  from  Ocosingo.2  The  last  two  expe¬ 
ditions  met  at  a  place  called  Dolores.  Here  an  effort  was 
made  to  found  a  town  of  Lacandones;  but  gradually,  family 
by  family,  they  slipped  away  until  even  the  site  of  the  town 
has  long  since  disappeared.  In  1696  all  the  expeditions  from 
the  south  were  abandoned. 

Don  Martin  de  Ursua  had  come  forward  with  a  plan  to 
build  a  military  road  from  Merida  through  the  country  of 
the  Lacandones  to  Santiago  de  Guatemala.  He  was  made 
acting  governor  of  Yucatan  during  the  absence  of  the  governor 
in  Mexico,  and  thus  he  was  able  to  make  a  start  toward  carry¬ 
ing  out  his  plan.  After  the  failure  of  several  of  the  leaders 
whom  he  had  sent  against  the  Itzas  of  Peten,  Ursua  decided 
to  take  the  field  in  person.  In  1697  he  left  Campeche.  After 
a  hard  struggle,  he  captured  the  stronghold  of  the  Itzas  on 
an  island  in  Lake  Peten.  Two  years  after,  owing  to  internal 
discords,  the  settlement  at  Peten  was  abandoned  and  General 
Ursua  returned  to  Yucatan. 

Various  vain  attempts  were  made  to  Christianize  the  Lacan¬ 
dones  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  last  century.  Since  that 
time  they  have  been  left  completely  to  themselves. 

1  Cogolludo,  1688,  p.  689. 

2  Villagutierre,  1701,  Bk.  IV,  Chap.  X,  p.  249. 


HABITAT 


The  Lacandones,  concerning  whom  the  writer  has  personal 
knowledge,  live  in  the  State  of  Chiapas,  Mexico,  principally 
along  the  waters  of  the  upper  Usumacinta  River  (PI.  II, 
Figs.  1  and  2)  and  the  rivers  Lacantun  and  Lacanha.  These 
rivers  unite  with  the  Cliixoy,  or  Salinas,  to  form  the 
Usumacinta,  which  flows  northward  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
Concerning  the  Itzas  of  Guatemala,  and  especially  those  around 
and  near  Lake  Peten,  I  have  no  personal  knowledge.  It  is 
supposed  that  these  people  withdrew  somewhere  about  1550 
from  the  northern  part  of  the  peninsula,  owing  to  the  approach 
of  the  Spaniards.1  It  was  through  the  country  of  the  La¬ 
candones  that  Cortes  passed  on  his  arduous  march  from  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  to  Honduras.2 

From  Peten  northward  stretches  the  main  body  of  Mayas 
proper,  occupying  the  whole  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  The  in¬ 
habitants  of  the  state  of  Campeche  are  sometimes  excluded  from 
the  Mayas  proper,  as  the  dialect  of  the  Maya  spoken  by  them 
varies  slightly,  as  does  that  of  the  Lacandones,  from  that  spoken 
throughout  the  rest  of  the  peninsula. 

The  territory  occupied  by  both  the  Lacandones  and  the 


1  Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  IV,  Chap.  XIV,  p.  507 :  “  Estos  Indios  Itzaex  son  de 
nacimiento  Yucathecos  y  originarios  de  esta  tierra  de  Yucath&n,  y  assi  hablan 
la  misma  lengua  Maya  que  ellos.  Dizese,  que  salieron  del  territorio  y  juris- 
diccion  que  oyes  de  la  Villa  de  Valladolid,  y  del  Pueblo  de  Cliichen  Ytza,  donde 
oy  permanect;  unos  de  los  grandes  edificios  antiguos  que  se  v6n  en  esta  tierra.” 

2  This  is  described  in  his  fifth  letter  to  the  king  of  Spain.  It  is  impossible 
to  follow  accurately  the  march  of  Cortes  step  by  step  through  this  country,  as 
there  is  no  longer  any  trace  of  many  of  the  names  given  either  in  his  account 
or  that  of  Bernal  Diaz  who  accompanied  him.  The  letters  of  Cortes  are  pub¬ 
lished  in  many  places,  as  in  Kingsborough,  1831-1841,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  401  (see 
also  Cortes,  1866).  An  English  translation  of  the  fifth  letter  was  published 
by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  1868. 


14 


HABITAT 


15 


Mayas  is  rich  in  archseological  remains.1  With  the  exception 
of  the  ruins  on  the  border  between  Guatemala  and  Honduras, 
the  cities  of  Copan  and  Quirigua,  there  are  few  large  centers  of 
archaeological  interest  not  included  within  the  country  occu¬ 
pied  by  the  Mayas  and  Lacandones.  The  ruined  cities  scat¬ 
tered  over  the  entire  northern  part  of  the  peninsula  of  Y ucatan 
are  in  the  same  territory  as  that  occupied  by  the  Mayas  proper. 
The  ruins  of  Palenque  are  upon  the  northern  and  the  ruins  near 
Ocosingo  in  Chiapas  on  the  western  edge  of  the  county  occu¬ 
pied  by  the  Lacandones,  whereas  the  ruins  along  the  Usuma- 
cinta  River  are  in  the  very  center  of  the  territory  occupied  by 
this  people.  A  large  part  of  this  latter  region  is  practically 
unexplored.  Mahogany  hunters  have  traversed  the  whole  area, 
and  mounds  and  remains  of  ruined  structures  are  constantly 
being  reported  throughout  this  territory  of  southern  Chiapas 
and  northern  Guatemala. 

The  country  2  occupied  by  the  people  of  the  Maya  stock  to 
be  considered  may  be  regarded  as  continuous,3  stretching,  from 
the  peninsula  of  Yucatan  on  the  north,  southward,  including 
the  department  of  Peten,  Guatemala  and  the  states  of  Chiapas 
and  parts  of  Tabasco,  Mexico.  Just  as  the  people  of  the  north 
and  south  differ  in  customs,  so  also  do  the  physical  conditions 
of  the  two  districts. 

The  peninsula  of  Yucatan  is  generally  level,  with  slight  eleva¬ 
tions  of  not  more  than  two  hundred  feet,  due  mainly  to  erosion. 
Owing  to  the  formation  of  the  country,  the  hydrographic 
conditions  of  Yucatan  are  peculiar.  It  is  only  in  the  extreme 
south  of  the  peninsula  that  we  find  any  rivers.  The  limestone 
formation,  however,  admits  of  numerous  underground  streams. 
Natural  sinkholes,  called  in  Spanish  cenotes,  after  the  Maya 

1  For  the  best  general  accounts  of  the  Maya  archeological  remains,  see  Ste¬ 
phens,  1841,  1843  ;  Charnay,  1887  ;  Maudslay,  1889-1902  ;  Holmes,  1895-1897  ; 
and  Maler,  1901-1903. 

2  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  geography  of  Yucatan,  see  Casares,  1905. 

3  The  Huastecos,  on  the  River  Panuco,  north  of  Vera  Cruz,  speak  a  dialect  of 
the  Maya,  and  they  form  the  only  exception  to  the  fact  of  the  continuity  of  the 
territory  occupied  by  the  Maya-speaking  people. 


16 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DON  ES 


word  oonot,1  are  found  everywhere  throughout  the  peninsula 
(PL  III,  Fig.  1).  The  first  settlements  were  made  around 
these  natural  reservoirs.  These  ceviotes  may  have  underground 
connection  with  one  another,  although  no  current  is  perceptible 
in  them.  Water  can  be  obtained  at  nearly  every  point  in 
Yucatan  if  a  well  of  sufficient  depth  is  sunk. 

A  very  thin  layer  of  soil  covers  the  generally  level  but  rough 
base  of  limestone  which  crops  out  everywhere.  The  soil,  owing 
to  its  shallowness,  is  not  as  fertile  as  that  of  Chiapas.  For  cer¬ 
tain  products,  however,  it  is  admirably  fitted,  especially  for 
henequen  or  hemp.  In  central  Yucatan  there  is  one  good-sized 
lake  called  Chichancanab.  Further  to  the  south,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Bacalar,  there  are  a  number  of  smaller  lakes.2 

The  country  to  the  south  of  Yucatan  has  features  entirely 
different.  The  territory  of  Peten  may  be  considered  a  plain, 
but  the  state  of  Chiapas,  where  the  greater  part  of  the  Lacan- 
dones  live,  is  mountainous.  Mr.  Sapper  divides  the  mountain¬ 
ous  territory  into  two  parts,  one  composed  of  a  chain  of 
mountains  and  the  other  of  a  mountain  mass.3 

The  territory  occupied  by  the  Lacandones  is  watered  by 

1  Dr.  L.  J.  Cole  of  Harvard  University  has  been  making  a  study  of  the  water 
system  of  Yucatan.  The  results  of  these  investigations  will  soon  appear  in  print. 
Attention  is  especially  called  to  a  late  paper  by  a  Yucatan  gentleman,  Don  David 
Casares,  1905. 

2  The  best  map  of  this  region  is  that  found  in  Sapper,  1895  and  1904,  to  which 
reference  has  been  made.  Mr.  Sapper  has  traveled  through  a  large  portion  of 
Yucatan. 

Count  Maurice  de  P^rigny  of  the  Trench  Geographical  Society  has  lately  re¬ 
turned  from  a  trip  into  the  interior  of  Yucatan,  and  we  may  hope  for  an  early 
report  on  this  interesting  territory. 

3  Sapper,  1897,  p.  178  :  “  Das  Gebirgsland  des  nordlichen  Mittelamerika  schei- 
det  sich  in  zwei  schon  landschaftlich  leiclit  zu  unterscheidende  Abtheilungen ; 
ein  Kettengebirge  in  den  nordlichen  Theilen  und  ein  Massengebirge  in  den 
stidlichen  Theilen  des  Gebirgslandes.  Das  hauptsachlich  aus  mesozoischen  und 
tertiaren  Ablagerungen  bestehende  Kettengebirge  des  Staates  Chiapas  bildet 
aber  keineswegs  die  unmittelbare  Fortsetzung  des  Kettengebirges  von  Mittel- 
guatemala.  .  .  .  Das  Kettengebirge  von  Mittelguateinala  besteht  nur  in  seinen 
nordlichsten  Bestandtheilen  aus  mesozoischen  und  tertiaren  Ablagerungen, 
wahrend  sudlich  davon  eine  palaozoische  und  dann  einige  archaische  Ketten 
folgen.” 


HABITAT 


17 


many  rivers.1  In  addition  to  the  two  main  rivers,  the  Lacan- 
tun  and  the  Lacanha,  which  unite  with  the  Chixoy  or  Salinas 
to  form  the  Usumacinta,  there  are  a  number  of  other  good-sized 
rivers,  together  with  a  countless  number  of  smaller  streams  and 
brooks  which  interlace  the  country.  There  are  four  large  lakes 
included  in  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Lacandones,  Laguna 
Petha,  Laguna  Anaite,  and  Laguna  Lacanha  in  the  state  of 
Chiapas  and  Laguna  Peten  in  Guatemala,  around  which  the 
famous  Itzas  once  centered.  These  lakes,  together  with  the 
rivers,  assure  a  never-failing  water  supply,  besides  furnishing 
an  abundance  of  fish  and  water  fowl  of  many  kinds. 

The  soil,  often  of  considerable  depth,  is  very  fertile,  owing  to 
the  large  decay  of  vegetation  and  the  many  rivers.  The  waters 
of  the  lakes  and  of  the  larger  rivers  which  have  washed  away  the 
outer  soil  are  highly  saturated  with  lime,  so  that,  in  general,  the 
settlements  of  the  Lacandones  are  fpund  on  the  smaller  streams, 
in  small  arroyos,  where  the  water  has  had  no  force  to  penetrate 
to  the  subsoil  beneath.  In  traveling  northward  at  right  angles 
to  the  rivers  flowing  into  the  Usumacinta,  which  flows  northward, 
one  is  constantly  climbing  one  ridge  only  to  descend  again  to 
the  bed  of  a  river  and  then  up  again  over  the  watershed  of  the 
third. 

The  whole  peninsula  of  Yucatan  is  of  limestone  formation, 
mainly  tertiary  but  partially  of  the  cretaceous  period.2  Over- 
lying  the  older  rock  and  shell  conglomerate  there  is  a  soft  lime¬ 
stone  (Maya  tun)  in  process  of  hardening.  There  is  a  still  harder, 
whiter,  and  more  compact  stone  (Maya  tStunits).3  Through¬ 
out  the  limestone  formation,  nodules  of  flint  are  found.  This 
geological  formation  of  lime  furnishes  an  abundant  supply  of 
excellent  building  stone  easily  workable  and  admirably  fitted  for 
sculpture.  This  fact  is  noted  in  Yucatan  and  also  in  the  coun¬ 
try  occupied  by  the  Lacandones  in  the  remains  of  ancient  build¬ 
ings  and  temples  which  have  been  described  by  travelers  since 

1  For  the  best  map  of  this  region,  see  Maler,  1901-1903,  PI.  I. 

2  For  a  detailed  study  of  the  geological  formation  of  Yucatan,  see  Oasares,  1905. 

8  See  p.  xxi  for  a  key  to  the  pronunciation  of  the  Maya  words. 


18 


MATAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


the  earliest  occupation  of  the  country  by  the  Spaniards.  In 
Chiapas  and  Tabasco  there  is  much  igneous  and  sedimentary 
rock. 

Owing  to  the  trade  winds,  the  mountainous  portion  of  the 
territory  —  and,  as  I  have  said,  this  is  the  part  occupied  by  the 
Lacandones — has  a  large  precipitation,  and  is,  as  a  consequence, 
heavily  timbered.  Yucatan,  on  the  other  hand,  has  not  a  suffi¬ 
cient  elevation  to  retain  the  moisture  from  the  trade  winds  of  the 
north,  and  the  mountains  in  the  south  collect  all  the  moisture 
coming  from  the  Pacific.  The  country  is  consequently  very  dry 
except  in  the  regular  rainy  season.  The  forest  growth  on  the 
peninsula  is  generally  small  and  singularly  even.  Some  early 
authorities  account  for  this  from  the  fact  that,  according  to  the 
earliest  accounts,  Yucatan  was  visited  by  a  terrific  hurricane 
which  laid  low  all  the  vegetation.1 

Owing  to  the  mountainous  formation,  the  rainy  season  among 
the  Lacandones  is  not  sharply  marked  as  in  Yucatan.  There, 
the  season  of  rain  lasts  from  May  until  September  and  the  re¬ 
mainder  of  the  year  is  very  dry.  In  Chiapas  the  dry  season  is 
of  much  shorter  duration.  The  rains  continue  until  January  or 
February,  when  they  give  place  to  a  dry  season  interrupted  by 
occasional  showers  from  February  to  April,  when  the  regular 
wet  season  begins. 

The  climate  of  Chiapas  and  the  upper  Usumacinta  is  generally 
not  healthful.  With  care,  however,  places  may  be  found  on  high 
land  away  from  the  river  bottoms  where  one  may  live  in  com¬ 
parative  security  from  fevers.  The  climate  seems  to  have  a 
more  noticeable  effect  on  the  Mexicans  than  upon  the  natives, 
who  are  generally  healthy,  owing,  no  doubt,  to  their  greater 
care  in  the  selection  of  their  camp  sites. 

The  climate  of  Yucatan,  on  the  other  hand,  is  much  drier  and 
more  healthful.  Galentura  and  other  forms  of  fevers  are  less 
common  than  in  any  other  part  of  southern  Mexico.  In  many 
of  the  early  lielaeidnes,  or  reports  sent  to  Spain  regarding  the 


1  Landa,  1864,  p.  60. 


HABITAT 


19 


conditions  in  the  country,  there  is  a  distinction  made  between 
the  healthfulness  of  Yucatan  as  compared  with  the  moist  charac¬ 
ter  of  the  country  to  the  southward  and  its  consequent  unhealth- 
fulness. 

Owing  to  the  great  evaporation,  cold  nights  follow  days  of 
intense  heat.  On  the  average,  the  temperature  is  lower  in 
Chiapas  than  in  Yucatan.1 

The  country  occupied  by  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones  seems 
to  be  lacking  in  precious  metals.  The  land  is  not  so  poor  in 
useful  minerals.  Salt  is  obtained  in  Yucatan  by  evaporating  sea 
water.  In  Chiapas  the  Indians  formerly  boiled  in  earthen  pots 
or  evaporated  in  shallow  pans  the  brine  obtained  from  salt 
mines.  At  the  present  time  the  Lacandones  procure  their  salt 
in  trade  from  the  Mexicans.  The  one  utensil,  found  in  every 
household  throughout  Yucatan,  the  region  of  the  Usumacinta, 
and  every  other  part  of  Mexico  as  well,  is  the  stone  metate  for 
grinding  corn  (PI.  IX,  Fig.  1).  They  are  usually  made  of  a  vol¬ 
canic  rock,  andesite,  or  basalt.  Sometimes  they  are  made  of 
flint.  This  latter  has  always  been  an  important  stone  among 
the  Mayas.  The  Lacandones  flake  and  chip  points  of  flint  for 
their  arrows  (p.  60).  Arrow  points  and  knives  are  occasion¬ 
ally  found  of  obsidian.  At  El  Cayo,  on  the  Usumacinta  River, 
Mr.  Maler  has  named  carnelian,  syenite,  jadeite,2  ofite,  hema¬ 
tite,  white  marble,  and  petrified  wood.  3 

Flora. — To  attempt  to  give  a  complete  account  of  the  flora 
of  the  country  occupied  by  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones  would 
be  to  give  a  catalogue  of  the  plants  and  trees  which  grow  in  the 
tierra  caliente,  or  warm  country.  I  shall  therefore  limit  my¬ 
self  exclusively  to  those  which  are  made  use  of  by  the  Indians 
in  their  daily  life.  These  in  themselves  unless  curtailed  would 
include  almost  as  many  as  would  come  in  the  former  list,  inas¬ 
much  as  the  native  makes  use  of  practically  every  tree,  plant, 

1  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  temperature  of  Yucatan,  see  Casares,  1905, 
p.  213. 

2  The  stone  called  jadeite  is  in  all  probability  serpentine. 

3  Maler,  1901-1903,  p.  84. 


20 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


and  shrub  for  food,  medicine,  or  in  the  practice  of  some  of  his 
arts.  I  shall  take  up  first  the  woods  which  have  been  of  most 
help  to  the  Indian.  The  Lacandones  use  the  mahogany  tree  in 
the  manufacture  of  their  canoes  (tsem),  hollowing  out  of  a 
single  log,  by  fire  and  the  machete,  a  boat  often  thirty  feet  long. 
Logwood  ( Hcematoxylon  campechianum  1)  is  found  throughout 
the  territory  occupied  by  both  these  branches  of  the  Majm 
stock.  The  Lacandones  use  it  for  the  foreshafts  of  their  arrows 
and  for  coloring.  The  guayacan ,  or  lignum  vita:  ( Guaicum  sanc¬ 
tum ),  furnishes  an  excellent  wood  for  making  bows,  as  it  is 
flexible  and  at  the  same  time  very  strong.  The  leaves  of  the 
ramon  ( Alicastrum  hrownei ,  Maya  os)  are  used  extensively  in 
Yucatan  for  fodder,  as  there  is  little  grass  in  the  country.  The 
gum  of  the  Protium  heptaphyllum  is  used  as  an  incense  in  the 
religious  ceremonies  of  both  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones. 
It  is  called  copal  by  the  Mexicans  and  pom  by  the  natives.2  The 
sap  of  the  rubber  tree  ( Oastilloa  elastica ,  Maya  qiq)  is  also  used 
as  incense  among  the  Lacandones.  A  pitch  pine  (Maya  t6te) 
is  used  for  light  in  making  journeys  by  night.  It  burns  with  a 
slow  steady  flame.  From  the  bark  of  a  tree  called  in  Maya  baltse 
there  is  manufactured  an  intoxicating  drink  used  extensively  in 
the  religious  rites  of  the  Lacandones  and  in  certain  of  the  cere¬ 
monies  of  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan.  A  large  variety  of  pliable 
vines  (Spanish  hejuco ,  Maya  aq)  grow  in  the  country,  and  these 
are  put  to  various  uses.  The  leaves  composing  the  roofs  of 
the  native  huts  are  tied  to  the  framework  by  these  vines,  and 
the  frame  itself  is  held  together  in  the  same  manner.  Baskets 
and  the  wickerwork  doors  of  the  houses  are  made  of  the  vines. 

1  Eor  the  botanical  names,  I  have,  for  the  most  part,  followed  Charles  E. 
Millspaugh,  1896-1904. 

2  Cf.  an  early  account  of  the  use  of  copal  in  the  “  Relacidn  del  Pueblo  de 
Mama”  (1580),  1900,  Vol.  XI,  p  169,  ”...  ay  un  arbol  que  llaman  los  yndios 
pom ;  sera  tan  grande  como  una  gran  higuera  dandole  algunos  golpes  al  Rededor 
y  dejandolo  dos  dias  destila  de  si  una  Resina  como  trementina  exceto  ques  mas 
dura  y  muy  blanca  llainanle  los  espanoles  copal  y  huele  muy  bien  y  tiene  muchas 
virtudes  con  lo  qual  se  curan  los  yndios  .  .  .  usaban  mucho  los  naturales  deste 
^ahumerio  que  les  afrecian  sacrificio  a  sus  dioses,  el  qual  dicho  arbol  ay  en  este 
dicho  pueblo  y  acuden  en  busca  del  demas  de  veynte  leguas  a  la  Redonda.” 


HABITAT 


21 


They  are  used  in  all  the  places  where  rope  and  twine  would  be 
used  among  a  more  civilized  people.  There  are  two  varieties 
of  bejuco  which  furnish  water  to  the  traveler  in  the  forest. 
A  piece  six  feet  long  often  yields  a  half  pint  of  water. 

A  number  of  kinds  of  palms  are  found  in  Yucatan  and  Chiapas. 
The  leaves  of  many  of  the  varieties  are  used  as  roofs  to  the 
native  huts.  One  of  the  most  common  kinds  used  in  this  con¬ 
nection  is  Sabal  mexicana ,  guano  in  Spanish  (Maya  san).  The 
ceiba  (Bornbax  ceiba ,  Maya  yastse)  is  a  tree  which  plays  a  part 
in  the  religious  beliefs  of  the  people  (p.  154). 

Of  fruits  we  find  a  large  number,  many  of  which  grow  wild. 
The  chicosapote  (Sapota  achras ,  Maya  ya),  the  mamey  ( Lucuma 
mammosa ),  anona  ( Anona  squamosa},  guanabana  (Anona  muri- 
cata),  guayaba  ( Psidium  guajava ),  tamarindo  ( Tamarindus  indica, 
Maya  patsuhuk),  aguacate  (Persea  gratissima,  Nahuatl  ahuacatl), 
mango  ( Mangifera  indica ),  cocoanut  ( Cocos  nucifera ),  cocoyol 
(Acrocomia  mexicana ,  Nahuatl  eocoyotl),  papaya  ( Papaya  carica, 
Maya  put),  and  the  cacao  ( Theobroma  cacao ,  Maya  sau)  are 
found  throughout  most  of  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Mayas. 
The  lemon  ( Citrus  limonum),  the  lime  ( Citrus  limetta ),  the 
sour  and  sweet  orange  ( Citrus  vulgaris  and  Citrus  aurantium ), 
two  varieties  of  bananas  ( Musa  sapientum,  Maya  bos,  and  Musa 
paradisiaca ,  Maya  mlya),  and  the  pineapple  ( Anonas  satiras ) 
are  cultivated  by  many  of  the  Mayas  of  the  peninsula  in  little 
gardens  often  surrounding  their  huts.  Bananas,  limes,  and  a 
small  tomato  (Ly  coper  sicum  esculentum,  Maya  beyantsan,  Nahuatl 
tomatl)  are  grown  by  the  Lacandones.  The  achiote  ( Bixia  Orel¬ 
lana,  Nahuatl  achiyotetl)  and  chayote  QSecluum  edule ,  Nahuatl 
chayotli)  are  found  among  both  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones. 

The  camote  ( Convolvulus  batatas,  Maya  is,  Nahuatl  camotli), 
yuca  ( Manihot  utilissima,  Maya  oin),  frejoles  ( Phaseolus  vul¬ 
garis,  Maya  buul),  a  flat  bean  called  in  Maya  ip,  chili  ( Cap¬ 
sicum  baccatum,  Nahuatl  chilli)  are  grown  in  the  fields,  together 
with  the  corn  (Maya  isim)  among  both  the  Mayas  and  the 
Lacandones.  Cotton  (Maya  taman)  is  cultivated  especially 
among  the  latter  people. 


90 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN DON NS 


Tobacco  (Maya  quo)  and  sugar  cane  are  grown  in  small 
quantities  both  in  Yucatan  and  Chiapas.  In  Yucatan  there 
are  several  large  sugar  plantations,  where  anis,  the  drink  of  the 
country,  is  made.  The  northern  half  of  the  peninsula  of 
Yucatan,  owing  to  the  shallowness  of  the  soil  overlying  the 
limestone,  is  singularly  fitted  for  the  cultivation  of  henequen 
(Agave  rigida  elongata  or  Agave  sisalana).  From  a  commer¬ 
cial  standpoint  this  is  by  far  the  most  important  product  of 
the  country. 

Many  varieties  of  gourds  grow  in  both  regions.  They  are 
called  in  Spanish  jicaras ,  after  the  Naliuatl  word  xicalli.  In 
Maya,  luts  is  the  name  given  to  one  variety  (  Crescentia  cujete'). 
They  are  universally  used  among  both  the  Mayas  and  the 
Lacandones  for  vessels  of  all  kinds,  and  a  certain  variety  make 
canteens  for  carrying  water  on  journeys. 

Fauna. — As  with  the  flora,  so  with  the  fauna,  the  list  will 
be  limited  to  include  only  that  part  used  principally  for  food 
among  the  Mayas  and  Lacandones.  A  complete  list  of  the 
animal  and  bird  life  in  the  country  of  the  Mayas  would  take  in 
with  few  exceptions  all  the  animals  and  birds  found  in  the 
colder  portions  of  the  torrid  zone. 

Game  in  abundance  is  found  everywhere  throughout  Yucatan 
and  Chiapas.  In  Yucatan  we  find  at  least  two  species  of  deer 
(  Odocoileus  toltecus 1  and  Hippocamelus  pandora ,  Maya  ke),  two 
species  of  wild  turkey  ( Meleagris  mexicana  and  Agriocharis  ocel- 
lata ,  Maya  kuo),  the  wild  boar  (  Tagassu  angulatum ,  Maya  qeqem), 
the  partridge  ( Eupsychortyx  nigrogularis ,  Maya  wan),  quail 
(Dactylortyx  thoracicus  sharpei ,  Maya  bets  or  kos),  the  arma¬ 
dillo  (  Tatu  novemcinctum ,  Maya  wets  ),  and  a  large  number  of 
less  important  animals  which  are  hunted  for  game.  In  the 
country  inhabited  by  the  Lacandones  there  should  be  added  the 
ocelot  ( Fells  pardalis ),  the  mountain  lion  ( Felis  concolor ),  the 
jaguar  ( Felis  onca ,  Maya  balum  or  tsakmul),  the  tapir  (  Tapirella 
dowi ),  two  specimens  of  monkeys  ( Ateles  vellerosus ,  Maya  maas, 


1 1  am  indebted  to  Dr.  Cole  for  the  scientific  names. 


HABITAT 


23 


and  Sdimiri  orstedii ,  Maya  baao),  two  species  of  parrot  ( Amazona 
albifrons  and  Conurus  aztec ,  Maya  tut),  the  badger  ( Taxidea 
taxus ,  Maya  kotom),  and  the  Tepeizquinie  ( Agouti  paca). 
Alligators  (Maya  ay  in)  and  turtles  are  abundant  in  the  rivers 
and  lakes.  Iguanas  (liu)  are  rarely  eaten,  although  they  are 
very  common  in  Yucatan.  Snails  ( Melania  lexhsima ,  Maya 
Sot)  furnish  a  means  of  sustenance  among  the  Lacandones. 

A  species  of  dog  was  known  before  the  advent  of  the 
Spaniards.  It  is  described  in  the  early  accounts  as  having  no 
hair,  with  only  a  few  and  sharply  pointed  teeth  and  small  ears 
and  that  it  did  not  bark.1 

An  interesting  study  and  one  well  worthy  of  attention  would 
be  an  attempt  at  identifying  the  many  kinds  of  fauna  repre¬ 
sented  in  the  three  Maya  Codices  2  and  in  the  bas-reliefs  found 
on  the  ruined  buildings.  Many  different  kinds  of  animals  are 
to  be  noted,  and  in  some  cases  they  may  be  clearly  made  out.3 
Among  the  Nahuas,  ten  of  the  twenty  day  signs  represent  the 
heads  of  animals  :  cipactli,  crocodile  ;  euetzpalin,  lizard  ;  couatl, 
snake ;  magatl,  deer ;  toehtli,  rabbit ;  itzcuintli,  dog ;  ogomatli, 
ape;  ocelotl,  jaguar;  quauhtli,  eagle;  and  cozcaquauhtli,  vulture. 

1  i;  Relation  de  la  Ciudad  de  Merida,”  1900,  Yol.  XI,  p.  63:  .  .  ay  perros 

naturaies  dela  tierra  que  no  tienen  pelo  ninguno,  y  no  ladran,  que  tienen  los 
dientes  ralos  e  agudos,  las  orejas  pequenas,  tiesas  y  levantadas  —  a  estos  engordan 
los  yndios  para  comer  y  los  tienen  por  gran  rregalo  — -  estos  se  juntan  con  los 
perros  de  espafia.” 

2  The  Troano,  published  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  in  1869  and  1870  ;  the 
Cortesianus,  a  part  of  the  preceding  manuscript,  published  by  Juan  de  Dios  de 
la  Rada  y  Delgado  in  1893  ;  the  Dresden,  published  by  Forstemann  in  1880  and 
again  in  1892  ;  and  the  Peresianus,  published  by  Leon  de  Rosny  in  1887,  are  the 
most  available  editions  of  the  three  Maya  pre-Columbian  manuscripts. 

8  Compare  the  mythological  animals  represented  in  Schellas,  1897  and  1904. 


PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


The  whole  Maya  race  is  short  in  stature.  The  male  Lacan- 
done  is  of  slightly  higher  stature  than  the  Maya  of  Yucatan. 
The  women  of  both  sections  are  about  equally  short.1  The 
Mayas  of  Yucatan  are  a  strongly  brachycephalic  race.  The 
Lacandones  who  were  measured  exceed  the  Mayas  in  the 
cephalic  index.  They  are  probably  the  most  brachycephalic  of 
any  of  the  Mexican  and  Central  American  peoples.2 

The  whole  Maya  race  is  physically  a  most  capable  one.  The 
Lacandone  is  here  again  slightly  ahead  of  the  Maya  in  this 
respect.  The  complete  isolation  of  the  Lacandone  has  freed 
him  from  assuming  the  tamed  and  subdued  character  that  is 
often  noted  in  the  Maya  proper.  Both  the  Maya  and  Lacandone 
have  broad  foreheads  and  broad  shoulders,  stand  erect  and  walk 
with  remarkable  ease  and  grace.  The  Lacandones  often  make 
long  journeys  on  foot  to  the  shrines  of  their  various  gods.  The 
women  accompany  tire  men  on  these  trips,  often  carrying  a 
child  astride  the  hips  (PI.  Ill,  Fig.  2),  together  with  another 
swung  on  a  net  on  the  back.  Landa  regards  this  custom  of 
carrying  children  astride  the  hip  as  the  cause  of  the  many  cases 
of  crooked  legs  among  the  Mayas.3  This  may  well  be  the  true 
cause  of  this  deformity. 

The  Lacandone  women  are  physically  nearly  as  capable  as 
the  men,  often  cutting  the  firewood  for  the  use  of  the  family, 
besides  helping  the  husband  in  the  clearing  away  of  the  forest 

1  Sapper  (1904,  p.  11)  distinguishes  between  a  short  type  in  northern  Yucatan, 
a  taller,  more  slender  type  in  central  Yucatan,  and  a  short,  thick-set  type  in 
southern  Yucatan. 

2  In  a  short  series  of  nineteen  both  of  the  Mayas  and  of  the  Lacandones,  the 
index  for  the  Mayas  was  85.4  and  for  the  Lacandones  86.5.  Starr  (1902,  p.  51), 
in  a  series  of  one  hundred  men  and  twenty -five  women,  found  the  mean  cephalic 
index  to  be  85.  His  mean  measurement  for  the  stature  of  males  was  1552.4. 
This  seems  to  me  to  be  a  little  low. 

3  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XX,  p.  112  :  “  Que  los  Indios  de  Yucatan  son  bien  dis- 
puestos  y  altos  y  rezios  y  de  muchas  fuer$as  y  comunmente  todos  estevados, 
porque  en  su  nihez,  quando  las  madres  los  llevan  de  una  parte  a  otra,  van  ahorca- 
jados  en  los  quadriles.” 


24 


PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


25 


in  preparing  the  ground  for  sowing.  The  Maya  women,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  much  more  delicate  as  a  general  thing,  and 
would  be  physically  incapable  of  enduring  some  of  the  hardships 
which  the  Lacandone  women  have  to  suffer. 

The  features  of  the  Mayas  as  a  whole  are  often  very  strong 
and  noble.  They  are  a  prognathous  race.  The  women  of 
Chiapas  do  not  have  the  beauty  so  often  spoken  of  in  connection 
with  the  native  women  of  Yucatan. 

The  color  of  the  Lacandone  is  a  golden  brown  slightly  lighter 
than  that  of  the  native  of  the  peninsula.  Discoloration  of 
the  skin  was  noted  in  one  family  of  the  Lacandones.  This 
is  more  common  however  among  the  Mexicans  occupying 
the  same  country.  The  hair  of  the  Lacandone  is  black  and 
often  has  some  curl.  In  the  children,  it  is  often  bleached 
by  the  sun  to  a  reddish  hue.  The  hair  of  the  Maya  proper 
is  in  general  perfectly  straight.  The  Lacandone  men  as  well 
as  the  women  wear  the  hair  long.  It  thus  serves  as  a  pro¬ 
tection  for  the  neck  and  shoulders.1  In  one  settlement  only 
did  I  see  any  one  with  short  hair  (PI.  IV,  Fig.  2).  When 
those  with  short  hair  were  conducting  a  religious  rite,  a  piece  of 
cloth  was  tied  over  the  head  and  hung  down  behind.  This  was 
not  noted  in  the  case  of  those  whose  hair  was  long.  The  women 
wear  it  simply  tied  at  the  back  and  not  in  the  knot  as  seen 
among  the  Maya  women.  The  Lacandone  man  very  often  has 
considerable  hair  on  his  face  and  especially  on  the  tip  of  his 
chin,  where  it  is  allowed  to  remain.2  The  heads  on  the  incense- 

1  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XX,  p.  114  :  “  Que  criavan  cabello  como  las  mugeres  ; 
por  lo  alto  quemavan  como  una  buena  corona.” 

Villagutierre,  1701,  Bk.  VIII,  Chap.  XII,  p.  498:  “  Traian  las  cabelleras  largas, 
quanto  pueden  crezer :  Y  assi,  es  lo  mas  diflcultoso  en  los  Indios  el  reduzirlos 
&  cortarles  el  pelo,  porque  el  traerlo  largo  es  serial  de  Idolatria.  Y  los  Sacerdotes 
de  sus  Idolos,  nunca  las  peynavan  trayendolas  emplastadas,  y  enredadas  en 
mechones ;  porque  las  untavan  continuamente  con  la  sangre  de  los  que  sacri- 
ficavan.” 

2  This  is  in  accordance  with  what  we  find  on  many  of  the  sculptured  figures 
which  are  shown  as  possessing  a  beard.  In  only  a  few  cases  in  the  Maya  Codices 
do  we  find  figures  represented  with  beards.  For  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  ap¬ 
pearance  and  dress  of  the  figures  shown  in  the  inscriptions  and  manuscripts  as 
compared  with  the  accounts  given  by  the  early  travelers,  see  Scliellhas,  1890. 


26 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


burners  of  tlie  gods  are  represented  as  having  beards.  This 
idea  of  the  gods  having  hair  on  the  chin  is  doubtless  the  reason 
why  the  men  never  pull  out  the  hair  or  shave,  as  do  the  natives 
of  the  peninsula.1 

As  a  race,  the  Mayas  are  healthy.  The  Lacandones  use 
great  care  in  the  selection  of  their  camp  sites  and  generally 
hold  themselves  completely  aloof  from  the  Mexican  element  of 
the  population,  who  they  fear  will  bring  them  fevers  and 
colds.  They  have  great  powers  of  endurance,  making,  as  has 
been  stated,  long  journeys  on  foot  and  often  carrying  heavy 
burdens  on  the  back  suspended  by  a  strap  over  the  forehead. 
The  children,  when  old  enough  to  walk,  are  accustomed  each  to 
carry  his  proportionate  load  when  going  to  and  from  the  fields. 

Other  than  a  possible  slight  flattening  of  the  skull  in  front, 
owing  to  the  custom  of  suspending  burdens  from  the  forehead,2 
the  Lacandones  do  not  artificially  deform  their  crania.  The 
Mayas  of  Yucatan  have  the  slight  flattening  of  the  head  in 
front  as  well.  They  too  have  the  universal  custom  of  sus¬ 
pending  burdens  on  the  back,  a  part  of  the  weight  of  which 
comes  on  the  forehead.3  The  Mayas  are  not  as  erect  as  the 
Lacandones,  and  when  under  a  heavy  load  they  run  in  a  slow 
and  even  gait.  They  too  are  capable  of  making  singularly 
long  journeys  on  foot,  often  under  heavy  burdens. 

The  sacral  spot  is  found  on  very  young  infants  of  pure 
Indian  blood.  It  vanishes  usually  after  the  first  year  of  birth. 
It  is  variable  in  size  and  usually  of  a  purple  color.4 

1  This  is  not  in  accordance  with  Landa  (1864,  Chap.  XX,  p.  114),  who  speaks 
of  the  Mayas  as  pulling  out  the  hairs  of  the  face.  “No  criavan  barbas,  y  dezian 
que  les  quemavan  los  rostros  sus  madres  con  pahos  calientes,  siendo  ninos,  por 
que  no  les  naciessen,  y  que  agora  crian  barbas  aunque  muy  asperas  como  cerdas 
de  tocines.” 

2  This  slight  flattening  doubtless  has  some  effect  on  the  cephalic  index,  and 
may  partially  explain  the  extreme  brachycepkalic  character  of  the  heads 
measured  (p.  24,  note  2). 

8  Cf.  Landa,  1364,  Chap.  XX,  p.  114:  “  Y  que  tenian  las  cabegas  y  frentes 
lianas,  hecho  tambien  de  sus  madres  por  industria  desde  ninos.” 

4  Starr  (1903)  observed  it  on  children  of  pure  blood  of  less  than  a  year  old, 
but  notes  that  it  was  lacking  in  children  of  mixed  blood. 


PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


27 


Among  the  early  Mayas,  tattooing  was  practiced.1  The 
women,  according  to  the  early  accounts,  filed  their  teeth,  and 
the  mothers  artificially  deformed  the  heads  of  their  children.2 
No  traces  of  these  customs  have  been  found  either  among  the 
present  Mayas  or  the  Lacandones. 

Writers  have  often  remarked  upon  the  great  neatness  of 
the  Mayas.  This  is,  indeed,  a  very  evident  fact.  In  spite  of 
the  scarcity  of  water  in  some  places,  bathing  is  almost  a  daily 
custom,  and  even  considering  the  fact  that  the  dress  of  both  the 
men  and  the  women  is  of  white  material,  it  is  very  seldom  that 
one  sees  a  soiled  garment.  The  methods  of  cooking  among 
the  Mayas  are  remarkable  for  their  cleanliness.  As  much  can¬ 
not  be  said  of  the  Lacandones,  who  are  far  below  the  Mayas  in 
respect  to  personal  and  domestic  cleanliness. 

Intellectually  the  Lacandones  who  have  been  encountered  do 
not  rank  as  high  as  the  Mayas  of  the  peninsula,  who  are  gen¬ 
erally  quick  to  learn,  quick  to  understand,  and  think  with 
considerable  rapidity.  The  mental  processes  of  the  Lacan¬ 
dones  seem  to  act  with  much  more  slowness. 

The  Maya  race  is  inherently  a  moral  one.3  The  morals  of 
the  Lacandones  are  good.  Their  family  life  is  happy,  and 
even  with  a  multiplicity  of  wives,  there  is  seldom  any  occasion 
for  discord  and  strife.  They  view  with  disgust  the  loose 
morals  and  the  infidelity  of  the  Mexicans  with  whom  they 
come  in  contact.  They  have  the  strongest  of  family  attach¬ 
ments  and  great  respect  for  old  age. 

Morally  as  well  as  physically  the  Mayas  proper  rank  below 
the  Lacandones.  The  second  may  be  the  result  of  the  first 
and  both  the  result  of  their  condition.  The  working  force  on 
the  large  henequen  haciendas ,  which  cover  the  whole  northern 

1  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXI,  p.  120:  “  Labravanse  los  cuerpos  y  quanto  mas, 
tanto  mas  valientes  y  bravosos  se  tenian.” 

2  Ibid. ,  Chap.  XXXI,  p.  182.  A  skull  found  at  Labna,  Yucatan,  now  in  the 
Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  has  the  teeth  tiled  into  points.  Many  of  the 
mask-like  snouted  figures  composing  the  decoration  on  the  fa9ades  of  the  ruined 
structures  in  northern  Yucatan  have  the  teeth  represented  as  filed. 

8  Cf.  Sapper,  1905. 


28 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


part  of  the  peninsula,  is  composed  entirely  of  Mayas.  So 
important  is  this  branch  of  industry  that  a  separate  and  dis¬ 
tinct  set  of  laws  has  grown  up  to  regulate  the  relations 
between  the  owners  of  the  haciendas  and  their  workmen.  On 
all  the  large  plantations  improved  methods  have  come  in,  much 
to  the  betterment  of  the  native.  It  has  now  been  acknowl¬ 
edged  that  success  is  in  proportion  to  the  health  and  comfort 
of  the  natives.  It  has  taken  many  years,  however,  to  arrive  at 
this  opinion.  Improved  dwellings,  medical  care,  and  better 
superintendence  is  doing  much  to  raise  the  condition  of  the 
Indian.  According  to  law,  a  native  as  long  as  he  is  indebted 
to  another  virtually  belongs  to  the  owner  of  the  debt.  The 
servants  on  the  haciendas  all  have  debts  against  them  ranging 
sometimes  as  high  as  one  thousand  pesos.  At  the  present  time 
labor  is  very  scarce  in  Yucatan,  and  it  is  often  only  after  a 
struggle  that  an  Indian  is  allowed  to  pay  his  debt,  and  thus 
becomes  free. 

Drunkenness  is  a  very  great  evil  throughout  the  whole 
peninsula,  and  does  much  to  destroy  the  physical  well-being  of 
the  native.  On  the  haciendas  the  laborers  are  often  more  or 
less  intoxicated  on  Sundays  and  feast  days.  It  is  regarded  as 
a  thing  that  cannot  be  helped  by  the  white  men  of  the  country. 
On  week  days  the  men  are  held  in  check  by  the  mayordomo. 
On  many  of  the  plantations  in  the  morning  and  again  at  night 
each  man  is  given  a  drink  of  anis ,  the  beverage  of  the  country. 

Among  the  Lacandones  drunkenness  is  seen,  but  it  is  always 
in  connection  with  their  religious  rites.  It  does  not  have  the 
evil  effect  as  noted  in  Yucatan.  It  is  considered  a  part  of  the 
obligation  of  the  feast  in  behalf  of  the  gods  that  the  partici¬ 
pants  should  become  intoxicated.  The  gods  are  said,  however, 
not  to  like  wranglings  and  disputes.  Consequently,  these 
seldom  occur.  Dancing  and  singing  are  pleasing  to  the  gods, 
and  these  are  indulged  in  by  the  participants  in  the  cere¬ 
monies. 

The  Lacandones  are  generally  truthful,  honest,  and  mild 
except  when  exasperated,  and  sometimes  with  good  reason,  at 


PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


29 


the  acts  of  their  Mexican  neighbors.  The  Mayas  are  not  as 
generally  truthful,  although  mild  and  gentle  except  when 
under  the  influence  of  liquor.  Both  the  Lacandone  and  the 
Maya  are  naturally  hospitable  and  generous.1 

Clothing.  —  As  in  everything  except  language,  so  in  clothing, 
the  Lacandone  differs  from  the  Maya  of  the  peninsula.  The 
native  male  of  Chiapas  wears  in  addition  to  the  loin  cloth 
(qaSnak)  which  stretches  several  times  around  his  body,  with 
the  ends  hanging  down  behind  and  in  front,2  a  single  cotton 
garment  of  poncho  form  (sikul  )  (PI.  IV,  Figs.  1  and  2).3  This 
garment  is  woven  in  two  pieces  of  cloth  and  the  two  sewed 
together  lengthwise,  with  the  exception  of  openings  for  the 
arms  and  for  the  head.  The  dress  hangs  to  the  knees. 
Formerly,  and  even  now,  in  some  remote  localities  far  removed 
from  any  trading  center,  this  garment  is  made  of  maguey  fiber 
or  from  the  bark  of  a  tree  (PI.  V,  Fig.  I).4 

The  Lacandones  wear  no  head  covering  of  any  sort  and  seldom 
any  protection  for  the  feet.  When  they  are  at  work  in  their 
fields,  they  sometimes  wear  a  sandal  of  leather  fastened  to  the 
foot  by  a  cord  passing  over  the  toes  and  over  the  heel. 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXIII,  p.  134:  “  Que  los  Yucataneses  son  muy 
partidos  y  hospitales,  porque  entra  nadie  en  su  casa  a  quien  no  den  la  comida  o 
bevida,  que  tienen  de  dia  de  sus  bevidas,  de  noche  de  sus  comidas.” 

2  Ibid.,  Chap.  XX,  p.  116:  “Que  su  vestido  era  un  liston  de  una  mano 
en  ancho  que  les  servia  de  bragas  y  calgas  y  que  se  davan  con  el  algunas 
vueltas  por  la  cintura,  de  manera  que  el  un  cabo  calgava  dalante  y  el  otro 
detras.” 

Also  cf.  “  Relacidn  de  los  Pueblos  de  Campocolche  y  Chochola,”  1900,  Vol. 
XIII,  p.  189:  “.  .  .  los  bestidos  antiguos  destos  yndios  era  andar  en  cueros  sola- 
mente  sus  verguengas  con  una  venda  que  algunas  de  ellas  a  cinco  e  seis  varas 
cenydas  y  dadas  tres  e  quatro  bueltas  por  los  quadriles  e  por  debaxo  de  las 
piernas  e  quedavale  un  rramal  por  detras  y  el  otro  por  delante  de  manera  que 
le  tapava  todo  con  las  nalgas  de  fuera  y  todo  lo  demas  del  cuerpo.” 

This  band  is  seen  represented  in  both  the  Maya  Codices  and  the  bas-reliefs. 
Cf.  Schellhas,  1890,  p.  218. 

3  Villagutierre,  1701,  Bk.  VIII,  Chap.  XII,  p.  498:  “Sus  vestiduras,  de  que 
usavan,  eran  unos  Ayates,  6  Gabaches,  sin  Mangas,  y  sus  Mantas,  todo  de 
Algodon,  texido  de  varios  colores.” 

4  The  articles  pictured  throughout  the  paper  are  without  exception  in  the 
Peabody  Museum  of  Harvard  University,  Cambridge.  The  ethnological  speci¬ 
mens,  with  but  few  exceptions,  were  collected  by  the  writer,  and,  owing  to  the 


30 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN DONES 


The  Lacandone  women  wear  the  same  poncho- like  garment 
as  the  men.1  In  addition  to  this,  they  also  wear  a  scant  skirt 
(pik  )  reaching  from  the  breasts  to  the  ankles  (PI.  V,  Fig.  2). 2 
This  is  held  in  place  by  a  band  of  cloth  wound  several  times 
around  the  waist,  forming  a  wide  belt  (uhetSebinnoq)  which  is 
concealed  by  the  upper  garment.  In  one  of  the  settlements 
visited,  the  women  wore  simply  the  poncho-Yike  upper  garment, 
which  came  down  below  the  knees,  thus  dispensing  with  the 
skirt  altogether.  The  women,  as  well  as  the  men,  never  wear 
any  covering  for  the  head  or  any  protection  for  the  feet.  The 
children  often  go  entirely  nude  until  the  age  of  two  or  three 
years,  when  they  wear  clothes  the  exact  counterpart  of  those 
worn  by  their  fathers  and  mothers  (PI.  VI,  Fig.  1).  Every  man 
usually  has  two  garments,  one  woven  by  his  wife  of  the  native 
cotton,  and  another  made  of  the  common  cotton  cloth  of  Mexi¬ 
can  manufacture.  The  woman  usually  wears  the  hand-woven 
skirt,  but  the  upper  garment  is  often  made  of  calico  or  of  white 
cotton  cloth.  The  skirt  is  woven  in  tine  colored  lines. 

The  Lacandone  women  wear  a  bunch  of  gayly  colored  bird 
feathers  and  the  breasts  of  small  birds  hanging  from  the  back 
of  the  hair  where  it  is  tied.  They  are  also  further  adorned 
with  necklaces,  often  wearing  as  many  as  twelve  strings  of 
beads  and  seeds  (PI.  V,  Fig.  2). 3  These  necklaces  are  com¬ 
posed  principally  of  small  black  seeds  (tiankala)  which  have 
to  be  strung  when  green.  A  very  effective  necklace  is  made 
of  red  berries  (qante  ).  Job’s  tears  (  Ciox  lacryma,  Maya  suk- 
paen)  are  grown  extensively,  and  these  are  strung  and  worn 
especially  by  the  children.  One  necklace  was  seen  made  of 
mussel  shells  hung  as  pendants  from  a  cord  (PI.  XIV,  Fig.  1). 

kindness  of  the  council  of  the  Institute,  they  were  turned  over  to  the  Peabody 
Museum. 

1  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  in  most  instances  where  women  are  represented, 
the  upper  portion  of  the  body  is  shown  uncovered. 

2  Cf.  representations  from  the  Codices  pictured  in  Schellhas,  1890,  p.  220. 

3  Necklaces  of  many  varieties  and  often  very  elaborate  are  shown  on  both 
male  and  female  figures  in  the  Codices  and  on  the  bas-reliefs.  Cf.  Schellhas, 
1890. 


PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


31 


From  the  lower  ends  of  the  strands  of  seeds  there  often  hang 
pendants  of  various  sorts,  among  which  are  pieces  of  bone,  bits 
of  sweet-smelling  wood,  and  the  skulls  of  very  small  monkeys. 
These  are  in  the  nature  of  charms.  The  Mexicans  when  travel¬ 
ing  through  this  part  of  the  country  often  bring  in  for  barter 
strings  of  glass  beads.  These  are  highly  prized  by  the  natives. 

Small  children  often  have  single  bird  feathers  tied  at  inter¬ 
vals  on  the  hair  at  the  back  of  the  head.  These  seem  to  have 
no  other  purpose  than  decoration. 

In  certain  of  the  ceremonies,  the  men  and  women  have  a 
narrow  band  of  fiber  bark  (huim),1  colored  red,  and  tied 
around  the  forehead  (PI.  XXVI,  Fig.  1).  The  decoration  of 
one's  person,  such  as  facial  painting,  will  be  taken  up  under 
ornamental  art  (p.  72). 

The  Mayas  of  Yucatan  are  much  more  picturesque  in  their 
dress  than  the  Lacandones.  The  dress  of  the  women  is  of 
the  same  general  form  as  that  of  the  women  of  Chiapas.2 
The  material,  however,  is  quite  different.  It  is  of  the  whitest 
linen  or  cotton  cloth,3  of  Mexican  or  American  manufacture,  as 
contrasted  with  the  coarse  and  rough  garment  of  the  Lacandone 
woven  in  the  primitive  loom  from  cotton  of  his  own  raising 
and  spinning. 

The  Maya  woman  cuts  her  upper  garment  (yupte),  called 
in  Spanish  hipil  after  the  Nahuatl  word  huepilli,  very  wide 
and  full.  The  opening  for  the  neck  is  square,  the  edge 
of  which,  together  with  the  bottom  of  the  garment,  is  decorated 
with  a  band  of  the  finest  needlework  in  bright  colors  and 

1  This  is  also  the  Maya  term  for  book  or  paper.  The  bark  of  the  tree  is 
pounded  out  so  thin  that  it  resembles  paper.  It  was  this  sort  of  bark  of  which 
the  ancient  manuscripts  were  made. 

2  Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  IY,  Chap.  V,  p.  188,  thus  describes  the  dress  of  the 
women  at  the  time  he  wrote  :  “  Las  mugeres  usan  de  Uaipiles  que  es  una  vesti- 
dura,  que  coge  desde  la  garganta  hasta  la  media  pierna,  con  una  abertura  en  lo 
superior  por  donde  entra  la  cabe§a,  y  otras  dos  por  lo  superior  de  los  lados  por 
donde  salen  los  bra§os,  que  queda  cubiertos  mas  de  hasta  la  mitad,  porque  no  se 
cine  al  cuerpo  esta  ropa,  que  tambien  les  sirve  de  camisa.” 

3Cf.  ibid.,  p.  187:  “Visten  ropas  de  algodon  blanquissimo,  de  que  hazen 
camisas,  y  calgones,  y  unas  mantas  como  devara  y  medio  en  quadro,  quell  aman 
tilmas,  6  hayates.” 


32 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


often  by  an  edging  of  hand-made  lace.  The  ordinary  every¬ 
day  dress  of  the  woman  has,  in  place  of  the  embroidery,  a 
band  of  cotton  cloth  stamped  with  a  simple  design  colored 
or  in  black  (PI.  VI,  Fig.  2).  The  skirt  (pik),  which  is  worn 
longer  than  among  the  women  of  Chiapas,  is  of  the  same  white 
material  as  the  hipil.  This  is  also  decorated  with  the  embroid¬ 
ery  and  the  lace.  In  the  small  hamlets  the  women  often 
wear  simply  the  skirt  when  at  work  around  the  hut  or  in  the 
fields. 

The  hair  of  the  Maya  woman  is  worn  tied  at  the  back  of  the 
head  in  two  loops  (sinta).  The  women  cover  their  heads  with 
the  rebosa  (bots),  a  long  scarf  either  of  cotton  or  of  brightly 
colored  silk,  wound  around  the  shoulders  and  over  the  head 
(PI.  VI,  Fig.  2).  The  women  of  the  cities  and  larger  towns 
wear  gold  earrings  and  elaborate  gold  chains  on  which  are 
usually  hung  the  medals  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

The  Maya  men  wear  breeches  (skules)  of  white  cotton 
cloth  and  a  simple  shirt  of  the  same  material,  usually  hanging 
outside  the  breeches  (PL  VII,  Fig.  2).  When  working  in  the 
fields  they  invariably  wear  a  piece  of  cloth  tied  around  the 
waist,  which  serves  as  an  apron  (tsiknaknoq).  Those  who  live 
in  the  cities  often  have  the  shirt  made  of  some  colored  cloth. 
In  this  case  it  is  longer,  contains  two  pockets  near  the  bottom, 
and  the  apron  is  usually  dispensed  with.  In  the  fields,  the  men 
ordinarily  divest  themselves  of  the  shirt  and  wear  only  the  short 
breeches  with  the  apron  (PI.  VII,  Fig.  2).  The  head  is  always 
covered  with  a  wide-brimmed  hat  of  braided  straw. 

The  women  wear  slippers  of  modern  manufacture  and  the 
men  sandals  (sanapqewel)  of  leather,  attached  to  the  foot  by 
a  strap  or  rope  passing  between  the  first  and  second  toes 
(PI.  VII,  Fig.  2).i 

1  The  figures  represented  in  the  Codices  are  seldom  shown  with  any  protec¬ 
tion  for  the  feet.  On  the  bas-reliefs  sandals  are  more  common,  but  they  are 
shown  as  attached  by  two  cords  passing  between  the  first  and  second  and  the 
third  and  fourth  toes,  a  method  different  from  that  now  in  use  where  only  one 
cord  is  employed.  Cf.  Schellhas,  1890,  pp.  215-216.  Some  figures  in  the  Codi¬ 
ces  are  shown  as  wearing  sandals  with  a  piece  behind  coming  up  over  the  heel. 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


The  relations  of  the  Lacanclones  to  those  around  them  are 
generally  slight.  The  greater  part  of  the  country  occupied  by 
this  people  is  under  grant  by  the  government  to  companies 
formed  for  the  exploitation  of  mahogany.  These  companies 
have  headquarters  on  the  rivers  and  from  these  settlements  as 
centers  radiate  temporary  camps  called  monterias ,  which  are 
found  practically  everywhere  throughout  the  territory  occupied 
by  the  Lacandones.  The  Indians  thus  have  a  limited  contact 
with  the  Mexicans  who  live  in  these  logging  camps.  They 
visit  these  monterias  when  they  are  in  need  of  salt;  and  the 
Mexicans,  on  the  other  hand,  when  passing  to  and  from  the 
different  camps,  visit  the  Indians,  more  often  stealing  than 
buying  bananas  and  tobacco  from  the  Lacandones.  This  com¬ 
paratively  slight  contact  with  the  Spanish  population  has  all 
come  within  the  last  five  years.  It  seems  up  to  the  present 
time  to  have  had  no  perceptible  influence  on  their  daily  life. 
The  Indians  still  keep  up  their  ancient  rites,  undisturbed  by  the 
Mexicans,  whom  they  never  allow  to  approach,  or  see  their 
idols  or  any  of  the  ceremonies.  The  Mexicans  regard  the 
Indians  as  quite  beneath  their  notice  other  than  as  curiosities. 

In  the  customs  and  rites  of  the  Lacandones,  no  trace  of  the 
early  Spanish  Catholic  contact  is  to  be  found.  After  repeated 
attempts  the  early  explorers  and  missionaries,  owing  to  their  ill 
success,  finally  gave  up  their  idea  of  converting  the  Lacandones 
(p.  13).  A  little  farther  to  the  north,  the  natives  of  Palenque, 
who  speak  another  dialect  of  the  Maya,  are  all  good  Catholics. 
Their  former  religion,  as  is  the  case  in  Yucatan,  has  given  way 
to  that  brought  in  by  the  Spanish  missionaries.  These  people 
were  much  more  accessible  than  were  the  inhabitants  of  the 
interior  of  Chiapas. 


33 


34 


MAYAS  AND  LAC  AN  DON  ES 


Galindo  (1834)  makes  the  following  significant  remark  con¬ 
cerning  the  pureness  of  the  Lacandones  of  the  Maya  stock: 
“  La  seule  portion  de  pure  race  restant  de  cette  grande  nation 
[Maya],  se  reduit  a  quelques  tribus  eparses,  habitant  principale- 
ment  les  bords  des  rivieres  Usnmasinta  ...  la  totalite  de  leur 
territoire  fait,  politiquement  parlant,  partie  du  Peten.” 

Sometimes  in  one  of  the  monterias  there  is  found  a  Lacandone 
who  has  adopted  the  life  and  customs  of  the  Mexicans.  His 
hair  is  short,  and  he  is  not  readily  to  be  distinguished  from 
his  fellow-Mexican.  This  desertion  of  the  family  gods  is  not 
common.  The  Lacandones  regard  such  a  course  as  a  bad 
breach  of  conduct.  The  seceding  Indian,  on  the  other  hand, 
thinks  it  an  upward  move.  He  often  renounces  his  family,  and 
in  some  cases  he  refuses  to  understand  his  native  tongue. 

With  the  exception  of  the  few  Indians  who  have  renounced 
their  tribe  for  good  and  all,  no  case  of  intermarriage  between 
the  Lacandones  and  the  Mexicans  has  been  observed.  The 
slight  contact  between  the  two  races  is  shown  in  the  very  cur¬ 
sory  knowledge  of  Spanish  by  the  Lacandone,  and  the  very 
few  Maya  words  known  by  the  Mexicans  of  the  country. 
Those  Lacandones  who  live  in  the  vicinity  of  the  logging 
camps  understand  a  few  Spanish  words  necessary  in  trading 
with  the  Mexicans.  There  are  only  a  very  few  who  are  able 
to  carry  on  any  connected  conversation  in  Spanish. 

Mr.  Sapper1  gives  as  a  reason  for  the  freedom  from  Spanish 
influence  and  control  the  fact  that  they  “  even  then  ”  were  a 
nomadic  people.  The  Lacandones  are  an  agricultural  rather 
than  a  nomadic  race.  That  they  are  a  nomadic  people  seems 
to  be  disproved  by  the  fact  that  they  are  divided  into  totemic 
divisions,  which  may  still  be  identified  with  certain  localities. 

1  Sapper,  1897,  p.  259:  “Auch  in  der  Conquista-Zeit  ist  ihre  Zahl  schon  ziem- 
lich  beschrankt  gewesen,  und  auch  damals  waren  sie  schon  wenig  sesshaft,  wie 
man  aus  den  Nachrichten  alterer  Schriftsteller  entnimmt,  und  aus  der  Verpfle- 
gungsschwierigkeit  fiir  die  Truppen  und  der  steten  Veranderung  der  Lacan- 
donenwohnsitze  erklart  es  sich  auch  in  erster  Linie,  weshalb  das  in  den  unzu- 
ganglichen  Urwaldern  hausende  Yolk  niemals  unter  die  Botmassigkeit  der 
Spanier  gekommen  ist.” 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


35 


They  are  primarily  an  agricultural  people,  and  a  wandering  life 
would  be  impossible.  It  is  true  that  a  change  of  residence  is 
made  as  often  as  the  fields  become  barren,  but  the  new  site  is 
in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  former  home.  Their 
whole  manner  of  life  is  entirely  at  variance  with  that  of  a 
nomadic  character.  Finally,  the  collection  of  incense-burners 
made  by  each  encampment  as  representatives  of  the  gods, 
together  with  the  sacred  shrine  where  they  are  kept,  would  seem 
to  show  a  certain  permanence  in  their  dwelling  place.  We 
must,  I  think,  look  for  another  cause  for  the  failure  of  the  Span¬ 
ish  to  make  a  permanent  impression  upon  the  life  and  customs 
of  the  Lacandones,  such  as  they  were  so  successful  in  doing 
among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  and  in  other  parts  of  Mexico.  If 
one  but  reads  the  Fifth  Letter  1  of  Hernando  Cortes  to  Charles  V 
of  Spain,  describing  the  expedition  to  Honduras,  and  the  less 
colored  account  by  Bernal  Diaz,2  he  will  readily  see  the  main 
cause  of  the  ill  success  of  the  Spanish  in  the  territory  drained 
by  the  Usumacinta.  In  a  country  where,  as  in  eastern  Yucatan, 
there  are  no  natural  impediments  in  the  way  of  progress  such 
as  rivers,  swamps,  or  high  mountains,  it  was  only  after  repeated 
outbreaks  and  insurrections  that  the  main  body  of  the  Mayas 
of  Yucatan  were  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  superior  force 
of  Spanish  arms  and  Spanish  religion.  Even  to  this  day,  a  part 
still  hold  out  against  Mexican  rule.  It  is  not  then  surprising 
that,  in  a  habitat  where  the  natural  difficulties  at  certain  sea¬ 
sons  of  the  year  are  practically  unsurmountable,  the  Spanish 
were  unsuccessful  with  a  people  of  the  same  race  as  those  whose 
allegiance  was  gained  only  partially  under  the  most  favorable 
of  natural  conditions.  The  accounts  given  by  Cortes  of  the 
difficulties  he  suffered  in  crossing  Chiapas  and  Guatemala  are 
no  exaggerations,  and  this  was  the  very  country  occupied  by 
the  Lacandones. 

Another  cause  which  may  have  prevented  any  prolonged 
attempt  of  the  Spanish  to  conquer  the  natives  of  the  upper 
Usumacinta  was  the  natural  poverty  of  the  country  in  the  way 
1  See  note  2,  p.  14.  2  Diaz,  1632. 


36 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


of  mineral  wealth.  An  inborn  courage,  tlie  love  of  liberty,  and 
the  fact  of  the  dissemination  of  the  natives  may  be  ascribed 
as  other  causes  of  the  prolonged  independence  of  the  Lacan- 
dones.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose,  however,  that  these 
people  are  any  more  sincere  in  their  observances  of  the  old 
rites  than  once  were  those  farther  to  the  north  together  with 
the  natives  of  the  peninsula. 

The  two  people  at  one  time  were,  in  all  probability,  one  in 
customs  and  religion  as  they  now  practically  are  in  language, 
because,  as  will  be  shown  later,  the  customs  described  by  Diego 
de  Landa  and  the  other  early  missionaries  and  historians  as 
existing  in  their  time  are  identical  in  many  ways  with  those 
now  carried  on  by  the  Lacandones.  These  two  sections  of  the 
Maya  stock  are  separated  by  a  range  of  mountains  which  has 
proved  to  be  a  dividing  line  between  the  two  fields  as  regards 
contact  with  Spanish  influence. 

As  to  the  relation  of  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  with  people  of 
another  blood,  one  very  interesting  fact  comes  out,  a  fact  noted 
by  all  historians  and  writers  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula. 
The  Spanish,  as  seen  throughout  Mexico,  Central  and  South 
America,  came  into  the  country  with  their  language,  religion, 
and  customs.  Unlike  any  other  part  of  the  vast  territory  in 
the  new  world  governed  by  a  Spanish-speaking  population, 
Yucatan  stands  almost  alone  in  the  fact  that  the  native  lan- 
guage  has  survived  and  has  not  been  superseded  by  the  language 
of  the  Spaniards,  conquerors  in  all  other  respects.  In  most  of 
the  states  of  Mexico,  with  the  exception  of  Yucatan,  very  little 
remains  of  the  native  tongue.  It  is  only  found  in  isolated 
communities  where  there  is  little  or  no  contact  with  the 
Mexican  element.  In  Yucatan,  the  conditions  are  much  differ¬ 
ent.  Whether  in  Merida,  its  largest  city,  with  an  ever  increas¬ 
ing  European  population,  or  in  the  fastness  of  the  sublevado 
Indians,  the  native  language  has  still  survived.  The  Mayas 
almost  without  exception  speak  their  mother  tongue,  and  the 
white  people  of  the  country  often  speak  Maya  more  or  less 
fluently.  On  the  haciendas  which  cover  the  whole  northern 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


37 


part  of  the  peninsula,  the  mayordomos  invariably  speak  Maya 
to  the  servants,  ancl  even  the  owners  frequently  use  the  same 
tongue  when  addressing  the  field  hands.  Books  are  printed  in 
Maya  and  sermons  are  frequently  given  in  it  in  the  churches. 
The  priests  almost  without  exception  have  a  knowledge  of  the 
language. 

The  contact  with  Mexican  influence  has  also  failed  to  change 
the  native  manner  of  dressing.  Tradition  is  so  strong  on  this 
point  that  if  an  aspiring  Indian  assumes  the  American  or 
Spanish  custom  of  dress,  he  is  chided  and  made  fun  of  until 
he  is  quite  ready  to  resume  the  cotton  pantaloons  and  shirt  of 
his  race.  In  most  respects,  however,  other  than  language 
and  dress,  the  Maya  of  Yucatan  is  practically  one  with  the 
Mexican.  What  remains  of  the  native  beliefs  and  religion  has 
been  altered  so  that  it  coincides  more  or  less  faithfully  with 
the  ideas  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

The  Lacandones  have  been  described  as  an  agricultural  rather 
than  a  nomadic  people.  The  Mayas  as  well  do  not  seem  to  have 
a  wandering  spirit.  They  usually  are  born  and  die  in  the  same 
place  and  their  children  after  them.  If  the  fathers  are  in¬ 
dented  servants  on  the  haciendas ,  the  sons  usually  become  so, 
although  they  do  not  as  a  rule  inherit  the  debts  of  their  fathers. 
It  takes  usually  more  energy  than  the  Mayas  possess  to  over¬ 
come  the  inertia  necessary  in  making  a  new  move. 

The  Lacandones  recognize  the  Mayas  of  the  peninsula  as 
speaking  the  same  language  and  as  members  of  the  same  tribe. 
They  observe,  however,  a  difference  when  speaking  about 
them.  They  say  that  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  have  different 
santos,.  meaning  the  protective  saints  of  the  Catholic  Church  as 
contrasted  with  the  native  gods  of  the  race.  They  recognize, 
moreover,  a  closer  relation  between  themselves  and  the  Mayas 
proper,  than  between  themselves  and  the  natives  living  to  the 
northward  around  Palenque,  who  speak  the  Choi  dialect  of  the 
Maya  stock:  This  is  not  as  closely  allied  to  the  dialect  spoken 
by  the  Lacandones  as  is  that  of  the  natives  of  Yucatan.  There 
is  a  much  closer  relation,  however,  between  the  Lacandones  and 


38 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


the  Itzas  of  Peten,  than  between  the  former  and  the  inhabit¬ 
ants  of  the  peninsula  to  the  northward.  By  some  authorities, 
the  Itzas  and  the  Lacandones  are  regarded  as  the  same  people. 
Constant  trade  communications  were  kept  up  between  the 
settlements  on  the  Usumacinta  and  its  affluents  and  those  of 
Peten. 

The  Mayas  recognize  the  Lacandones  as  speaking  the  same 
language,  but  as  a  people  very  slightly  connected  with  them, 
inasmuch  as  their  customs  differ  so  considerably.  When  any 
mention  is  made  of  the  Mayas  of  Tabasco  and  Chiapas,  they 
are  always  described  as  no  son  cristianos. 

The  divisions  of  the  Lacandones  among  themselves  show  the 
remains  of  a  once  well-regulated  system,  now  more  or  less 
broken  down.  The  natives  live  in  widely  scattered  settlements, 
two  or  three  related  families  together. 

The  Lacandones  move  their  encampments,  as  has  been  stated, 
from  place  to  place,  but  only  within  a  very  narrow  range.  As 
soon  as  the  fields  around  a  settlement  become  barren,  a  new  site 
is  found  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  Thus  a  family  always  lives 
in  the  same  general  locality,  and  there  is  a  certain  idea  of  per¬ 
manence  in  their  method  of  living  absent  in  that  of  a  truly 
nomadic  people.  The  changes  of  encampment  usually  come 
every  three  or  four  years.  There  is  no  rule  that  on  the  death 
of  a  member  of  the  family,  a  new  home  must  be  found.  This 
is  sometimes  done,  but  it  is  always  owing  to  the  supposed  or 
real  unhealthfulness  of  a  certain  locality,  rather  than  to  any 
tribal  custom. 

These  settlements  are  usually  made  on  the  site  of  a  corn  field 
(PI.  VIII,  Figs.  1,  2,  and  3).  Each  consists  of  a  sacred  hut, 
where  all  the  religious  observances  are  carried  on,  and  where 
the  gods  of  the  family  are  kept  (p.  Ill),  a  smaller  hut  or  shelter 
where  the  food  is  prepared  for  the  offerings  made  to  the  idols, 
and  one  or  more  domestic  huts.  Sometimes  two  families  live 
in  the  same  house  but  occupy  separate  ends.  The  domestic  life 
of  each  family  is  distinct.  There  is  little  idea  of  communal 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


39 


life  other  than  that  side  touching  the  religion  and  the  possession 
of  the  fields. 

Each  encampment  has  four  trails  leading  to  it,  corresponding 
to  the  four  cardinal  points.1 

As  has  been  stated  concerning  the  Nahuatl  race  at  the  time 
of  the  Conquest,2  so  it  is  true  of  the  Lacandones  of  the  present 
time,  they  “have  achieved  progress  to  descent  in  the  male  line.” 
The  oldest  son  of  the  first  and  principal  wife  is  the  main  heir. 
The  younger  sons  receive  a  part  of  the  inheritance,  consisting 
principally  of  the  idols  of  the  gods.  If  there  are  no  sons,  the 
brothers  of  the  dead  man  inherit  his  possessions.  The  land 
is  held  in  common,  so  that  property  in  land  does  not  exist. 
Daughters  do  not  inherit  any  of  the  personal  possessions  of 
their  father.  As  would  be  expected  from  the  fact  that  the 
women  take  no  part  in  the  observance  of  the  religion,  they  oc¬ 
cupy  an  inferior  place  in  the  household.  A  widow  usually  lives 
with  the  oldest  son,  and  as  head  of  the  family  it  is  his  duty  to 
support  her. 

Mr.  Bandolier  calls  attention  to  the  curious  fact  that  among 
the  early  Mexicans  certain  grades  of  consanguinity  are  called 
by  the  same  names,  showing  that  the  modern  descriptive  system 
for  relationship  appears  in  a  minority  of  cases  only.  From  this 
he  infers  that  the  Mexican  family  was  yet  but  imperfectly  con¬ 
stituted  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.3  Among  the  Lacandones 
we  find  the  same  thing  true.  The  title  Yum  is  given  to  the 
father,  the  paternal  uncles  and  the  eldest  son  of  the  oldest 
uncle,  the  future  head  of  the  family.  Brothers,  sisters,  and 
cousins  call  each  other  by  the  same  name.  The  oldest  brother 
or. male  cousin  is  called  Bakun,  the  oldest  sister  or  female  cousin, 
Kik.  The  oldest  children  are  thus  distinguished  as  to  age  and 
sex.  The  younger  brothers,  sisters,  and  cousins  of  both  sexes 
all  have  the  same  name,  Wioin, 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1884,  Chap.  XXXV,  p.  210 :  “  Uso  era  en  todos  los  pueblos  de 
Yucatan  tener  hecfao  dos  montones  de  piedra,  uno  en  frente  de  otro,  a  la  eetrada 
del  pueblo  por  todas  las  quatro  partes  del  pueblo.  .  .  .” 

2Bandelier,  1879,  p.  567. 


8  Ibid.,  p.  570. 


40 


1L4FAS  AND  LAC  AS  BONES 


Each  family  branch  bears  the  name  of  some  animal.  This  is 
transmitted  through  the  male  line.  Inasmuch  as  the  members 
of  one  line  of  descent  generally  live  in  the  same  neighborhood, 
the  animal  names  become  associated  with  certain  localities. 
Landa  makes  no  mention  of  the  family  totem  names.  He  says, 
however,  that  it  was  considered  a  sin  for  members  of  the  same 
family  to  marry.1  Now,  although  not  frequent,  one  sometimes 
finds  a  marriage  existing  between  two  people  of  the  same  family 
connection,  thus  bearing  the  same  animal  name. 

Whatever  there  may  have  been  of  the  idea  of  the  totem  and 
totemic  devices  in  regard  to  the  animals,  it  has  been  lost,  and 
nothing  remains  but  the  mere  animal  name  of  the  division. 
The  animal  totem  is  called  yonen,  the  general  term  for  rela¬ 
tive.  The  kid  (yuk)  painted  on  the  ceremonial  robe  (PI.  XV, 
Fig.  1)  is  the  only  example  found  where  there  was  any  approach 
to  a  representation  of  a  totemic  device.  There  seems  to  be  a 
common  practice  of  keeping  in  captivity  the  animals  connected 
with  the  settlement  in  a  totemic  signification.  Monkeys,  doves, 
and  small  birds  were  noted  as  kept  as  pets,  especially  by  the 
women. 

The  names  of  eighteen  animal  divisions  were  obtained.  The 
location  given  may  be  taken  only  approximately,  as  it  wras  im¬ 
possible  to  obtain  an  accurate  idea  of  the  situation  of  the  differ¬ 
ent  gentes.  The  people  who  live  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Petha2 
belong  to  the  maai  (Spanish  viico )  or  monkey  gens.  Near 
Anaite,  on  the  Usumacinta  River,  live  the  koton  (Spanish  tejon ) 
or  badger  gens  and  the  sanhol  gens.  The  Mexicans  of  the 
country  call  the  sanhol  the  cabeza  blanca.  The  qeqen  (Span¬ 
ish  j abatin')  or  wild  boar,  the  kitam  (Spanish  puerco  del 
monte),  the  ke  (Spanish  venado)  or  small  deer,  the  yuk  (Span¬ 
ish  cabritu)  or  kid,  the  tsilup  (Spanish  golondrina ),  and  the 
sup  gens  are  all  located  near  the  shores  of  the  Lacantun  River. 
It  was  impossible  to  obtain  a  more  accurate  idea  of  their  situa- 

1  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXV,  p.  140  :  “  y  muchos  avia  que  nunca  avian  tenido 
sino  una  (mujer)  la  qua!  ninguno  tomava  de  su  nombre,  de  parte  de  su  padre.” 

2  See  map  in  Maler,  1901-1903.  Plate  I. 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


41 


tion.  Near  Tenosique  are  found  the  qambul  (Spanish  faisan ) 
or  pheasant,  the  balum  or  tiger,  and  the  mo  or  macaw  gens. 
Near  the  monteria  of  San  Hipolito  (a  few  leagues  north  of  Lake 
Petha)  are  to  be  found  the  harleu  (Spanish  tepeizquinte )  and 
kos  (Spanish  cojolito1')  gens.  Near  El  Cambio,  on  the  Chan- 
cala  River,  are  located  the  wan  (Spanish  perdiz)  or  partridge, 
the  tut  or  parrot,  and  the  ba.ao  (Spanish  saraguato')  gens. 
The  akmas  (Spanish  mico  de  noche )  gens  is  said  to  be  located 
at  Peten  in  Guatemala. 

In  addition  to  the  animal  name  which  every  person  bears, 
there  is  another  designation  which  is  very  indefinite.  The 
people  of  the  qeqen  and  kitam  gens  are  also  given  the  name 
kow6,  and  those  of  the  kotom  and  sanhol  divisions,  the  name 
tas,  which  has  the  meaning  level.  Those  who  belong  to  the 
maao  gens  are  also  known  by  the  term  karsia.  This  word 
seems  to  be  more  Spanish  than  Maya  in  form.  The  Mexicans 
of  the  vicinity  know  this  particular  settlement  by  the  latter 
name,  whereas  they  are  in  total  ignorance  of  the  divisions 
according  to  animal  names.  Sapper  speaks  without  comment 
of  the  Garcias  seemingly  as  a  division  of  the  Lacandones.2 
The  balum  gens  has  the  other  designation  puk,  the  root  of  the 
verb  meaning  to  destroy  anything  made  of  earth.  It  is  impos¬ 
sible  to  tell  on  what  this  second  classification  is  based.  There 
seems  to  be  no  special  class  of  objects  used  as  names.  The 
same  words  are  found  used  as  surnames  among  the  Mayas  of 
Yucatan.  Kowo  is  the  name  of  a  family  living  near  Valladolid.3 
This  second  designation  among  the  Lacandones  may  be  the 
remains  of  a  once  elaborate  system  of  social  organization  with 
divisions  made  up  of  families  and  groups  of  families  joined 
together  with  bonds  of  relationship. 

The  native  speaks  of  the  animal  names  noted  above  as  in- 
yonen,  my  relative,  so  that  there  seems  to  be  a  close  bond 

1  This  is  from  the  Nahuatl  word  cojolitli.  2  Sapper,  1897,  pp.  262,  263. 

3  Among  others  there  were  noted  as  surnames  among  the  Mayas,  tsan,  little  ; 
bos,  black;  mes,  beard;  tus,  a  falsehood;  eq,  palo  de  tinta ;  and  oap,  the 
rattler  of  a  snake. 


42 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


between  all  the  people  bearing  the  same  name  and  the  animal 
itself. 

There  is  another  name  corresponding  to  the  Spanish  word 
tocayo ,  or  namesake.  This  is  also  the  name  of  an  animal,  but  it 
is  not  handed  down  from  father  to  son  as  in  the  former  case, 
but  seems  to  be  given  as  regards  priority  of  birth.  The  first 
son  is  usually  given  the  name  Qin,  sun,  and  his  secondary  ani¬ 
mal  name  is  Baao,  monkey.1  The  first  daughter  is  called  Naqiu, 
(from  na,  house),  and  she  also  shares  the  same  animal  name  as 
her  oldest  brother.  The  second  son  to  be  born  is  usually  given 
the  name  Qaiyum,  singing  god,  and  his  secondary  animal  name 
is  Sanhol  (Spanish  cabeza  blanca).  The  second  daughter  is 
called  Naqaiyum,  and  she  is  also  associated  with  the  sanhol  as  is 
the  second  son.  The  third  son  is  called  Tsanqin,  little  sun,  and 
the  third  daughter,  in  the  same  way,  Natsanqin.  There  are 
other  names  found  in  use,  Bol,  a  verb  meaning  to  distribute 
food,  and  Nabol,  the  corresponding  name  given  to  the  girl. 
I  could  not  make  out  what  son  and  what  daughter  bore  these 
names,  but  those  who  possessed  it  had  as  their  secondary  animal 
names,  Qimbol,  a  species  of  snake.  It  seems  from  the  meaning 
of  the  word  bol  that  the  domestic  head  of  the  family  may  have 
had  this  designation.  If  this  is  the  case,  it  seems  probable  that 
the  persons  having  this  name  did  not  always  occupy  the  same 
relative  position  in  the  order  of  age  in  the  family.  In  one  case 
I  found  the  name  Bol  given  to  the  oldest  son,  but  in  all  other 
cases  he  bore  the  name  Qin.  It  may  come  out  on  further  inves¬ 
tigation  that  there  may  be  a  difference  as  regards  naming  the 
first  son  in  respect  to  bis  mother,  whether  or  not  she  is  the 
wife  first  married  or  a  later  one. 

Each  of  the  pairs  of  names  - —  Qin  and  Naqin,  Qaiyum  and 
Naqaiyum,  Tsanqin  and  Natsanqin,  Bol  and  Nabol  —  has  as  their 
special  possession  secular  songs  relating  to  the  animals  whose 
names  they  bear. 

1  It  will  be  noted  that  the  baao  is  also  found  as  one  of  the  names  in  the 
primary  animal  classification. 


SOCIA  L  CIIA  RA  CTERIS  TICS 


43 


Thus,  to  sum  up,  we  find  a  number  of  different  names  used 
by  the  Lacandones. 

(1)  They  address  each  other  by  the  terms  of  relationship  to 
themselves,  cousins  and  brothers  being  considered  the  same. 

(2)  Each  family  has  an  animal  name  which  is  transmitted 
from  father  to  son. 

(3)  There  is  some  larger  division,  and  certain  families  are 
united  under  one  name.  This  has  not  been  successfully  worked 
out. 

(4)  Each  person  in  the  family  bears  a  name  as  regards  the 
order  of  precedence  of  birth. 

(5)  Each  person  in  the  family  bears  an  animal  name  which 
varies  as  the  name  under  (4)  varies.  All  first  sons  have  the 
same  name  and  the  same  animal  name. 

It  may  be  well  to  investigate  in  detail  the  form  of  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  families  among  whom  most  of  the  rites  described 
were  witnessed.  Two  brothers,  Qin  and  Chanqin,  of  the  maao 
gens,  had  married  two  sisters  of  the  qeqen  family.  These 
two  families  live  in  peace  under  the  same  roof;  each,  however, 
with  its  own  distinct  camp  fire  and  food.  The  older  brother 
rules  supreme  in  the  little  settlement,  and  it  is  he  who  decides 
all  questions  which  may  come  up.  A  half  league  away  lives 
the  aged  mother  of  the  two  brothers  together  with  a  grandson, 
the  child  of  her  oldest  son  who  is  dead.  Two  of  her  daughters 
also  live  in  this  encampment.  They  are  both  married  to  a  man 
of  the  same  gens.  The  grandson,  Qin,  the  heir  of  the  oldest 
son,  would  naturally  be  the  head  of  the  encampment.  He  is  still 
young  and  unable  to  carry  out  the  demands  of  the  religious 
ceremonies.  These  are  therefore  undertaken  by  the  husband 
of  his  two  aunts  and  not,  as  might  at  first  be  supposed,  by  one 
of  the  uncles. 

One  may  see  in  this  the  faint  remains  of  the  matriarchal 
system,  where,  on  the  death  of  the  oldest  son  and  during  the 
childhood  of  the  heir,  the  regency  is  held,  not  by  the  deceased 
man’s  brothers,  but  by  the  husband  of  his  sister. 

There  is  little  or  no  need  of  concerted  action  or  of  any 


44 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


central  government  among  the  Lacandones,  living,  as  they  do, 
separated  into  self-sustaining  communities.1  When  a  man 
gives  a  feast,  he  invites  all  his  neighbors  far  and  near.  He  is 
the  lord  of  the  ceremony,  however,  and  holds  absolute  control 
within  the  little  settlement  where  it  is  observed.  The  others 
are  his  guests,  and  they  all  pay  him  honor  and  obedience  as 
their  host. 

A  pleasing  custom  always  observed  among  the  Lacandones  is 
seen  in  the  greeting  and  taking  leave  of  the  giver  of  one  of  the 
feasts  by  the  guests.  A  set  form  of  speech  is  used  and  the 
giver  of  the  feast  is  addressed  by  the  title  Yum,  father  or 
lord.  At  the  entrance  to  the  sacred  inclosure  each  person 
utters  the  following  words,  Bininkinwile  inyume,  I  come  to 
see  you,  my  lord.  The  person  addressed  always  bids  him  enter, 
Orken.  In  taking  leave  the  form  is  Bininka  tinna,  I  am  going 
to  my  house.  The  guest  never  leaves,  however,  until  the 
giver  of  the  feast  has  given  him  permission  to  depart,  Sen,  go. 
The  members  of  the  family  of  the  host  are  also  addressed 
singly  by  their  titles  of  relationship  to  the  speaker  as  Bininkin¬ 
wile  inkik,  1  am  coming  to  see  you,  my  sister.  Among  the 
Mayas,  the  form  used  in  taking  leave  is  more  in  the  nature  of 
asking  permission,  Sikeni,  may  I  go?  and  the  answer  is  Sen,  go. 
This  custom  is  not  carried  so  far  among  the  Mayas  as  among 
the  Lacandones.2  Every  one  present  in  a  hut  is  not  individ¬ 
ually  addressed  when  one  is  leaving,  as  among  the  latter  people. 

The  family  with  the  father  at  the  head  is  the  unit  in  the 
social  organization  of  the  Lacandones.  A  group  of  related 
families  seems  to  form  the  gens.  There  is  no  evidence  that  we 
can  safely  accept  which  shows  any  larger  division  than  the  gens 
There  is  no  need  for  a  larger  unit.  Wars  have  disappeared,  and 
there  is  no  cause  for  the  compact  form  of  society  where  strength 

1  Margil,  1696,  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  social  organization  of  the 
Lacandones. 

2  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXIII,  p.  132:  “  Porque  en  el  progresso  de  sus 
platicas,  el  menor  por  curiosidad  suele  repetir  el  nombre  del  officio  6  dignidad 
del  mayor.” 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


45 


is  needed  to  resist  an  enemy  or  where  each  family  has  its 
portion  of  labor  to  perform  in  order  to  sustain  the  whole,  as 
among  people  of  a  higher  social  status.  Among  the  Lacandones, 
family  is  isolated  from  family,  each  with  its  own  fields.  The 
different  functions  of  society  are  carried  out  by  the  members  of 
the  family.  The  father,  assisted  by  his  oldest  son,  clears  the 
forest  to  make  the  fields  and  carries  on  the  rites  of  their  re¬ 
ligion,  while  the  mother  and  the  daughters  spin  and  weave  the 
cotton  into  clothing,  grind  the  corn,  and  carry  on  the  ordinary 
work  of  the  household.  Their  part  in  the  religious  life  con¬ 
sists  in  the  preparation  of  the  food  and  drink  to  be  offered  the 
idols  in  behalf  of  the  gods.  The  family  thus  seems  to  be  the 
unit  also  in  the  religious  life.  The  gods  are,  for  the  most  part, 
family  deities  rather  than  tribal. 

The  gathering  of  the  families  of  the  same  gens  occurs  at 
certain  of  the  important  rites.  The  daily  and  weekly  cere¬ 
monies  carried  on  before  the  incense-burners  are  performed  by 
the  male  members  of  the  family. 

The  morals  of  the  family  are  strict.  Prostitution  or  adultery 
seldom  occurs.  Until  marriage  the  daughters  remain  under  the 
strict  control  and  care  of  their  fathers.  The  father  of  the  boy 
seeks  the  bride,  and  she  comes  to  live  in  his  home.1  There  are 
exceptions  to  this  rule,  as  in  the  case  cited  before,  where  the 
husband  had  married  the  two  sisters  and  had  come  to  live  at 
their  home.  The  marriage  ceremony  is  not  complicated. 
There  is  an  offering  of  posol  and  baltie  to  the  gods,  and  the  man 
and  woman  eat  together  as  a  sign  that  they  are  man  and  wife. 
After  marriage,  a  man  and  woman  never  again  eat  with  their 
parents.  If  one  is  visiting  at  the  home  of  his  father  and 
mother,  he  eats  apart  from  them.  A  widow,  all  of  whose  sons 
are  married,  is  thus  compelled  to  eat  alone. 

Polygyny  is  not  an  uncommon  thing  among  the  Lacandones. 
No  instances  have  been  observed  of  a  man  having  more  than 
three  wives.  The  women  all  live  together,  and  the  duties  of 
the  household  are  divided  and  shared  amoug  them.  There 
i  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXV,  p.  140. 


46 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


seems  always  to  be  a  favorite  wife.  Usually  she  is  tlie  first  one 
married.  It  is  she  who  brings  to  her  husband,  in  the  sacred  in¬ 
closure,  the  food  and  drink  prepared  by  the  wives  to  be  offered 
to  the  gods.  A  woman  is  regarded  in  the  relationship  of  aunt 
(oena)  to  the  children  of  her  husband  by  another  wife. 

Polyandry  has  been  reported  among  the  Lacandones,  but  the 
fact  has,  I  think,  never  been  established. 

Among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan,  the  man  has  to  make  a  present 
to  the  parents  of  the  girl,  and  it  is  he  who  pays  for  the  clothes 
necessary  for  the  marriage. 

The  fecundity  of  the  Maya  race  is  large  but  not  excessive.1 
Marriages  generally  take  place  at  a  very  early  age.  One  often 
finds  mothers  of  thirteen  and  fourteen,  which  shows  the  quick 
development  of  the  girl  into  the  woman.  At  child  birth  there 
is  a  special  ceremony  held  before  the  idols,  where  prayers  are 
offered  up  in  behalf  of  the  mother  and  her  child.  A  pregnant 
woman  wears  around  her  neck  a  cotton  string  (kut§).  This  is 
to  preserve  the  life  of  the  embryo.  After  the  child  is  born,  the 
mother  places  the  string  around  the  neck  or  the  leg  (see  PI. 
XXVI,  Fig.  1)  of  some  one  who  is  ill,  usually  a  male  relative. 
If  it  is  taken  off,  the  child  dies  and  the  man  loses  the  beneficial 
effect  of  its  presence.  It  is  effective  for  about  a  year.  Children 
are  kept  at  the  breast  a  much  longer  time  than  among  white 
people.2 

Children  among  the  Lacandones  are  usually  called  by  the 
terms  of  their  relationship  to  the  speaker.  This  is  especially 
true  of  brothers,  sisters,  and  cousins  who  address  each  other  as 
brother  and  sister.  The  eldest  son  of  a  family  bears  the  name 
Qin  until  the  death  of  his  father,  when  he  receives  the  title 
Yum.  The  eldest  daughter  is  named  Snuk  (the  large  one), 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXXII,  p.  192  :  “  Son  muy  fecundas  y  tempranas  en 
parir,  y  grandes  criaderas  por  dos  razones,  la  una  porque  la  bevida  de  las  manailas 
qne  beven  caliente  cria  mucha  leche  y  el  continuo  moler  de  su  maiz  y  no  traer 
los  pechos  apretados  les  haze  tenerlos  muy  grandes  donde  les  viene  tener  mucha 
leche.” 

2 Ibid .,  Chap.  XXX,  p.  180:  “Mamavan  mucho,  porque  nunca  dexavan  de 
darles  leche  pudiendo,  aunque  fuessen  de  tres  o  quatro  anos.” 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


47 


and  the  younger  daughters  are  usually  called  TSasnuk  (little 
ones).  These  names  are  in  addition  to  those  used  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  animal  names. 

In  Yucatan  the  child  is  always  carried  astride  the  hip. 
Among  the  inhabitants  of  Chiapas,  the  custom  is  also  common 
(Pi.  Ill,  Fig.  2).  Here  the  very  small  children  are  often 
suspended  in  a  net  on  the  back  of  the  mother,  the  net  being 
supported  by  a  cord  passing  over  the  forehead. 

There  seem  to  be  no  elaborate  puberty  rites.  When  a  boy 
arrives  at  the  age  of  manhood,  the  father  offers  a  bow  and  a  set 
of  arrows  to  the  gods  in  behalf  of  the  boy,  with  a  prayer  be¬ 
seeching  them  to  make  his  son  a  good  hunter.  After  this  the 
boy  may  take  an  active  part  in  all  the  rites,  and  it  is  at  this  time 
that  he  assumes  the  loin  cloth.  A  girl,  on  arriving  at  the  age 
of  puberty,  wears  the  bunch  of  bird  feathers  suspended  from 
the  back  of  the  head. 

Ages  are  reckoned  as  regards  the  number  of  dry  and  wet 
seasons  that  have  passed.  YaSqin,  the  first  sun,  is  used  to  desig¬ 
nate  the  dry  epoch,  and  hahal,  from  ha,  water,  the  rainy  season. 
I  was  unable  to  find  any  trace  of  the  ancient  system  of  reckon¬ 
ing  time. 

The  mortuary  customs  furnish  a  means  of  ascertaining  the 
ideas  concerning  death  and  a  future  life.  The  belief  among 
the  Lacandones  is,  that  when  a  person  dies,  his  “pulse,”  as  it  is 
expressed  (upiganuqab),  goes  below,  to  live  in  the  underworld 
with  Kisin  (p.  95),  and  the  heart  goes  above,  to  remain 
with  Nohotgakyum,  the  main  god.  Among  the  Lacandones, 
the  body,  lying  on  its  back,  is  placed  in  a  grave  about  two 
feet  in  depth.  On  the  abdomen  a  bundle  of  ground  corn 
is  deposited  for  making  posol  and  tortillas.  Parallel  sticks 
are  laid  crosswise  the  body,  followed  by  a  layer  of  palm  leaves. 
On  these  the  earth  is  piled  until  the  grave  is  filled  and  a  mound 
about  a  foot  high  is  made.  Ashes  are  sprinkled  over  the  mound, 
and  at  each  of  the  four  corners  there  is  placed  a  small  figure 
made  of  palm  leaves  and  representing  a  dog.  These  are  sup¬ 
posed  to  accompany  the  soul  as  guardians  to  its  final  resting 


48 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DONKS 


place.1  Around  the  grave  is  a  line  of  small  sticks  about  four 
inches  apart.  On  the  top  of  each  stick  is  a  bit  of  cloth  dipped 
in  beeswax.  Each  male  member  of  the  family  of  the  deceased 
plants  and  lights  three  or  more  of  these  rude  candles,  and  each 
woman  and  child  two.2  A  shelter  of  palm  leaves  is  finally 
built  over  the  grave.  From  the  roof  there  is  suspended  a  gourd 
filled  with  posol ,  another  with  water,  and  a  third  containing 
tortillas .3  This  food,  together  with  that  placed  directly  on  the 

1  Seler  (1900-1901,  pp.  82-83)  gives  an  interesting  parallel  of  the  Nahua  idea 
of  the  dog  and  his  connection  with  death.  He  paraphrases  Sahagun  as  follows  : 
“The  native  Mexican  dogs  .  .  .  barked,  wagged  their  tails,  in  a  word,  behaved  in 
all  respects  like  our  own  dogs,  were  kept  by  the  Mexicans  not  only  as  house  com¬ 
panions,  but  above  all  for  the  shambles,  and  also  in  Yucatan  and  on  the  coast 
land  for  sacrifice.  The  importance  that  the  dog  had  acquired  in  the  funeral  rites 
may  perhaps  have  originated  in  the  fact  that,  as  the  departed  of  both  sexes  were 
accompanied  by  their  effects,  the  prince  by  the  women  and  slaves  in  his  service, 
so  the  dog  was  consigned  to  the  grave  as  his  master's  associate,  friend,  and  guard, 
and  that  the  persistence  of  this  custom  in  course  of  time  created  the  belief  that 
the  dog  stood  in  some  special  relation  to  the  kingdom  of  the  dead.  It  may  also 
be  that,  simply  because  it  was  the  practice  to  burn  the  dead,  the  dog  was  looked 
on  as  the  Fire  God’s  animal  and  the  emblem  of  fire,  the  natives  got  accustomed 
to  speak  of  him  as  the  messenger  to  prepare  the  way  in  the  kingdom  of  the  dead, 
and  thus  eventually  to  regard  him  as  such.  At  the  time  when  the  Spaniards 
made  their  acquaintance,  it  was  the  constant  practice  of  the  Mexicans  to  Commit 
to  the  grave  with  the  dead  a  dog,  who  had  to  be  of  a  red-yellow  color,  and  had 
a  string  of  unspun  cotton  round  his  neck,  and  was  first  killed  by  the  thrust  of  a 
dart  in  his  throat.  The  Mexicans  believed  that  four  years  after  death,  when  the 
soul  had  already  passed  through  many  dangers  on  its  way  to  the  underworld,  it 
came  at  last  to  the  bank  of  a  great  river,  the  Chicunauhapan,  which  encircled  the 
underworld  proper.  The  souls  could  get  across  this  river  only  when  they  were 
awaited  by  their  little  dog,  who,  on  recognizing  his  master  on  the  opposite  side, 
rushed  into  the  water  to  bring  him  over.”  (  Sahagun,  3  Appendix,  Chap.  I.) 

2  The  idea  of  candles  in  connection  with  the  burial  rites  may  be  of  Spanish 
origin,  although  there  is  no  suggestion  of  the  cross  in  connection  with  the  burial 
ceremony. 

3Cf.  Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  XII,  Chap.  VII,  p.  699:  “  Que  en  muriendo  la 
persona,  para  sepultar  el  cuerpo,  le  doblan  las  piernas,  y  ponen  la  cara  sobre  las 
rodillas  .  .  .  abren  en  tierra,  un  hoyo  redondo.  .  .  .  A1  rededor  le  ponen  muclia 
vianda,  una  xicara,  un  calaba§o  con  atole,  falvados  de  maiz,  y  unas  tortillas 
grandes  de  lo  mistno,  que  han  lleuado  juntamente  con  el  cuerpo,  y  assi  lo  cubren 
despues  con  tierra.” 

Also  cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXXIII,  p.  196:  “Muertos  los  amortajavan 
hinchandoles  la  boca  del  maiz  molido  que  es  su  comida  y  bevida  que  llaman 
koyem.” 

For  a  later  account,  cf.  Sapper,  1897,  p.  265  :  “  Bei  den  Lacandonen  im 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


49 


body,  is  to  furnish  sustenance  on  the  journey  which  the  soul 
(pisan)  takes  to  the  home  of  the  main  god  of  the  Lacandones. 
After  its  arrival  at  the  final  resting  place,  its  welfare  is  assured. 
The  water  contained  in  the  gourd,  hung  in  the  shelter,  is  to 
wash  the  hands  before  the  food  is  touched,  and  the  four  dogs, 
as  has  been  noted,  are  supposed  to  accompany  the  body  on  its 
journey  as  protectors.  The  parallel  sticks  placed  over  the  body 
are  to  guard  it  from  being  devoured  by  the  animals  of  the  forest. 
Otherwise  the  animals  might  consume  the  body  and  then  they 
might  be  killed  and  eaten,  in  turn,  by  the  people.  This  would 
be  considered  as  one  of  the  greatest  crimes  known  to  the 
Lacandones.  The  ashes  placed  on  top  of  the  grave  symbolize 
the  warmth  given  to  the  soul  to  protect  it  from  the  cold. 

Incineration  is  no  longer  practiced  in  any  form.1 

Among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan,  a  burial  is  usually  carried  out 
according  to  the  customs  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Food  and 
drink,  however,  are  placed  on  the  grave. 

Trade  is  carried  on  to  a  limited  extent  by  the  Lacandones 
among  themselves.  Cocoa  berries,  masses  of  copal ,  wax,  rubber, 
and  bunches  of  feathers  are  often  used  as  the  mediums  of  ex¬ 
change  as  in  former  times.2 

Sociology  of  the  Mayas.  —  There  is  little  that  can  be  said 
concerning  the  sociology  of  the  Mayas.  They  live  under  the 
laws  of  the  Mexican  Republic.  In  the  pueblos  they  elect  their 
own  presidente  for  the  town.  All  the  former  forms  of  tribal 
division  are  completely  lost.  Polygyny  is  not  allowed  to  exist, 
and  it  is  not  openly  carried  on.  The  morals  of  the  family  are 
loose.  Prostitution  is  common.  Landa  speaks  with  surprising 
candor  of  the  morals  of  the  natives  before  and  after  the  entrance 

ostlichen  Chiapas  sollen  die  Leichname  im  Walde  auf  einen  Holzrost  in  einer  nur 
handtiefen  Grube  gelegt  und  mit  Laub  und  Erde  destreut  werden,  so  dass  sie 
also  den  Thieren  zum  Frasse  dienen  konnten.” 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  p.  198. 

2  Cf.  “  Relacidn  de  Mutul,”  1900,  Vol.  XI,  p.  87  :  “  Los  tratos  y  contrataciones  y 
grangerias  que  ay  entre  los  naturales  y  espanoles  son  mantas  de  algodon,  cera,  y 
miel,  y  sal,  y  otras  cosas  de  mantenimiento,  que  benden  unos  a  otros  y  en  cacao 
que  se  trae  de  laprobincia  de  tabasco  y  de  onduras.” 


50 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


of  the  Spaniards  into  the  country.1  When  one  takes  into  con¬ 
sideration  the  fact  that  the  account  was  written  by  a  priest  of 
the  people  whom  he  criticises  so  harshly  concerning  the  evils 
which  they  have  brought  into  the  country,  the  statement  has 
great  weight. 

1  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXXII,  p.  186:  “Preciavanse  de  buenasy  tenian  razon, 
porque  antes  que  conociessen  nuestra  nacion,  segun  los  viejos  aora  lloran,  lo  eran 
a  mara villa.” 


INDUSTRIAL  ACTIVITY 


Agriculture.  —  Agriculture  is  necessarily  very  crude  among 
both  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the 
ground  and  the  lack  of  modern  tools  and  methods.  It  is  prac¬ 
tically  identical  in  both  localities.  Corn,  the  staple  product  and 
the  fundamental  article  of  food,  is  cultivated  after  the  manner 
of  the  country.  There  are  several  kinds  of  corn  found  among 
the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones,  and  they  are  distinguished 
chiefly  by  their  colors.1  Some  of  the  varieties  are  found  in 
every  settlement  and  encampment.  In  December  or  January 
a  site  well  exposed  to  the  sun  is  selected,  and  the  trees  are 
felled  and  the  undergrowth  cut  away.  During  the  succeeding 
months  of  the  season  of  drought,  the  fallen  trees  become  well 
dried.  Just  before  the  rainy  season  sets  in,  during  the  middle 
of  April  or  the  first  of  May,  the  mass  of  underbrush  and  trees 
are  burned,  thus  clearing  and  enriching  the  ground  at  the  same 
time.  At  the  coming  of  the  rains,  the  corn  is  placed  in  the 
ground,  which  has  had  no  preparation  other  than  the  clearing 
and  burning  of  the  trees. 

The  preparation  of  the  corn  for  food  may  well  be  regarded 
as  a  separate  industry.  The  greater  part  of  the  time  of  the 
women  is  thus  taken  up.  Most  of  the  corn  is  eaten  in  the  form 
of  tortillas.  The  corn  is  first  soaked  overnight  in  an  alkali  to 
remove  the  hulls.  In  Yucatan,  limestone  is  burned  to  furnish 
this  alkali.  In  Chiapas,  it  is  often  difficult  to  find  limestone 
which  is  pure  enough  for  this  purpose.  The  shells  of  the  fresh¬ 
water  snails  are  burned  as  a  substitute.  A  strong  lye  is  also 
obtained  from  the  ashes  of  the  bark  of  the  mahogany  tree. 

1  Among  the  varieties  of  corn  are  saksim  or  snuknal,  a  large  white  corn  ; 
tSaktsots  or  tsaksnuknal,  a  large  red  variety  ;  tsaktsikinoonot,  a  small  red 
corn  ;  qansim,  a  yellow  kind  ;  and  tsikinoonot,  a  blue  variety. 

51 


52 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


The  corn  is  ground  moist  on  the  stone  metate  (Nahnatl  met- 
atl)  (PI.  IX,  F  ig.  1).  As  seen  among  the  Mayas,  the  stone  is 
slightly  concave,  is  inclined,  and  supported  on  three  legs.  The 
crusher  is  long  and  round,  and  extends  beyond  the  edges  of 
the  metate.  The  corn  is  often  ground  over  six  or  seven  times, 
until  it  is  in  the  form  of  a  line  paste  or  batter.  This  is  then 
made  into  tortillas  (PI.  IX,  Fig.  2).  In  Yucatan  the  ordinary 
form  of  tortilla  is  about  four  inches  in  diameter,  whereas  among 
the  Lacandones  the  size  often  approaches  nine  or  ten  inches. 

There  is  a  form  of  tortilla  (op)  called  in  Spanish  tostados  or 
totopostle  (Nahnatl  totopochtli).  These  are  browned  and  re¬ 
semble  more  nearly  the  cracker.  The  totopostle  are  made  in 
large  numbers  at  one  time,  and  are  used  as  desired  by  simply 
warming  them  in  the  ashes. 

Another  form  in  which  the  maize  is  largely  used  is  called 
posol  (  maao),  a  drink.  The  corn  is  first  boiled  without  lye  and 
then  ground  moist  as  before.  Masses  of  this  are  then  wrapped 
in  banana  leaves,  and  it  is  used  as  desired.  These  bundles  of 
ground  corn  furnish  the  principal  food  Avhen  journeys  are 
undertaken.  A  handful  of  the  corn  is  mixed  thoroughly  with 
water.  This  forms  a  most  refreshing  as  well  as  a  nourishing 
drink.  The  corn  in  this  form  is  considered  better  if  it  has 
soured. 

Tsokosaka  is  a  drink  made  of  the  ground  corn  used  in  making 
tortillas  mixed  with  warm  water  and  taken  hot.  Saqnum  is 
made  of  the  corn  treated  with  lye  mixed  with  water  and  the 
whole  boiled  together.  Qa  is  a  drink  made  from  corn  ground 
dried  after  being  roasted. 

The  third  way  in  which  the  corn  is  used  is  in  the  form  of 
tamales.  The  maize  serves  as  a  covering  for  an  interior  of  chile , 
meat,  or  frejoles.  The  whole  is  then  wrapped  in  a  large  leaf 
and  boiled  or  steamed.  Among  the  Lacandones  a  great  quan¬ 
tity  of  these  tamales  are  made  of  corn  and  frejoles.  They  are 
called  buliiva ,  and  are  one  of  the  principal  offerings  made  to 
their  gods  in  the  religious  rites  (p.  102). 

Throughout  Yucatan,  as  well  as  Chiapas,  the  Mexicans  and 


INDUSTRIAL  ACTIVITY 


53 


other  inhabitants  have  very  generally  adopted  the  food  native 
to  the  country. 

In  the  fields  between  the  hills  of  corn  are  planted  camotes  (Is),1 
a  species  of  sweet  potato.  When  fully  grown,  their  presence  in 
the  ground  is  indicated  by  a  slight  cracking  in  the  surface  of 
the  soil.  A  pointed  stick  is  all  that  is  used  in  digging  them 
out.  Yucca  (oin),  a  farinaceous  plant,  is  also  grown  in  the  same 
field  with  the  corn  as  well  as  a  small  tomato  (beyant&an). 
Frejoles  (buul),  a  species  of  black  kidney  bean,  form  with 
the  tortilla  the  daily  food  of  the  Maya.  The  beans  are  boiled 
and  eaten  with  chile.  Sugar  cane  and  bananas  are  grown 
extensively. 

Among  the  Lacandones  tobacco  (quo)  finds  a  place  in  their 
fields.  Native  cotton  (taman)  is  extensively  grown.  This  is 
spun,  woven,  and  made  into  clothing.  In  Yucatan  the  prin¬ 
cipal  product  outside  of  the  corn  (iSim)  is  henequen  (soskil). 
The  cultivation  of  this  plant  would  be  impossible  but  for  the 
presence  of  the  natives.  The  entire  working  force  on  the  haci¬ 
endas  is  composed  of  Mayas. 

Hunting.  —  Next  to  the  cultivation  of  corn,  the  hunt  fur¬ 
nishes  the  most  important  means  of  obtaining  food.  The  La¬ 
candones  use  the  bow  and  arrow  (PI.  X,  Fig.  I)2  in  killing 
their  game,  which  ranges  in  size  from  the  smallest  birds  up  to 
the  mountain  lion.  The  Indians  have  great  accuracy  of  aim 
and  put  great  force  into  sending  the  shaft.  The  description  of 
the  bow  and  the  several  kinds  of  arrow  will  be  taken  up  later 
(p.  57).  The  necessit}r  of  offering  meat  to  the  idols  of  the 
gods  in  their  ceremonies  causes  the  Lacandone  to  devote  much 
time  to  the  hunt.  They  often  leave  the  hut  before  daybreak 

1  For  the  botanical  names,  see  under  Flora,  p.  21. 

2  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXIX,  p.  170  :  “  Que  tenian  armas  offensivas  y  defen- 
sivas.  Ofensivas  eran  arcos  y  flechas  que  llevavan  en  su  cargaje  con  pedernales 
por  caxcillos  y  dientes  de  pescados  muy  agudas,  las  quales  tiran  con  gran  des- 
treza  y  fuerza.” 

Also  cf.  Sapper,  1897,  p.  261  :  “  Zur  Jagd  verwenden  die  Lacandonen  noch 
immer  Bogen  und  Pfeile,  letztere  mit  Feuersteinspitzen,  welche  sie  mittelst  eines 
Hornmeissels  spalten.” 


54 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


and  return  late  at  night,  and  very  seldom  with  empty  hands. 
All  the  Mayas  of  the  peninsula,  together  with  the  Lacandones 
who  live  nearest  the  settlements  of  the  Mexicans,  use  in  place 
of  the  bow  and  arrow  the  old  muzzle-loading  musket  and  the 
powder  horn.  The  natives  of  both  localities  are  skillful  in 
imitating  the  cries  and  calls  of  animals  and  birds.  The  cry  of 
the  young  venado  is  very  faithfully  reproduced  by  a  horn  whis¬ 
tle,  which  the  natives  manufacture.  Often  a  large  number  of 
Indians  will  join  together  for  a  general  hunt,  and  the  results 
are  divided  on  the  return. 

Venado ,  a  small  deer,  and  wild  turkeys  are  the  principal  game 
in  Yucatan.  Partridge  and  quail  are  also  plenty.  In  the  re¬ 
gion  of  the  Usumacinta  River,  practically  all  the  animals  known 
to  the  colder  parts  of  the  torrid  zone  abound.  Monkeys  of 
several  varieties  furnish  a  constant  source  of  food.1 

Fishing.  — The  natives  of  the  coast  of  Yucatan  engage  exten¬ 
sively  in  fishing.  Owing  to  the  lack  of  rivers  and  lakes,  how¬ 
ever,  the  greater  part  of  the  Mayas  of  the  peninsula  have  no 
knowledge  of  the  industry.  Among  the  Lacandones  it  is  quite 
different,  as  rivers  and  lakes  abound  and  they  are  well  stocked 
with  fish.  Among  the  most  important  are  the  saktan  or  nahwa 
(Spanish  sardina ),  sohom,  tsaklau,  which  is  a  red  fish,  makabil, 
tsakbil,  and  tsakal.  Turtles  and  turtle  eggs  form  a  large  supply 
of  food.  As  many  as  four  hundred  or  five  hundred  eggs  are 
sometimes-  found  in  one  hunt.  Fresh-water  crabs  and  snails 
(tot)  are  numerous.  The  natives  of  Chiapas  have  a  primitive 
way  of  catching  fish.  They  shoot  them  from  the  end  of  a  canoe 
with  a  wooden-pointed  arrow  (PI.  X,  Fig.  2).  They  are  very 
expert  in  this.  They  also  have  come  to  know  the  use  of  the 
hook  and  line,  and  they  are  skillful  in  making  nets.  A  spear 
about  eight  feet  long  is  sometimes  used  in  catching  fish  and 
turtles.  This  has  a  detachable  point  hung  by  a  cord. 

Navigation.  —  Along  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  especially  on  the 
eastern  side,  on  the  Usumacinta  River  and  its  tributaries,  and 
on  the  lakes  of  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  navigation  is  engaged 
1  See  p.  22  for  a  more  complete  list  of  animals  hunted  for  game. 


INDUSTRIAL  ACTIVITY 


55 


in  extensively  by  the  natives.  As  has  been  noted  (p.  9), 
Columbus  on  his  last  voyage  encountered  a  canoe  some  way  out 
at  sea  which  probably  came  from  Yucatan.  The  early  Mayas 
and  the  Lacandones  of  the  present  time  use  the  cayuco ,  or 
dugout  (tSem).  It  is  made  of  a  mahogany  log,  and  is  often 
thirty  or  more  feet  in  length,  three  feet  in  breadth,  and  capable 
of  carrying  fifteen  or  twenty  men. 

Weaving.  —  The  Mexican  influence  seen  throughout  the  pen¬ 
insula,  with  the  exception  of  the  narrow  strip  along  the  eastern 
coast,  has  robbed  the  Mayas  of  many  of  their  former  arts  and 
industries  by  furnishing  them  with  substitutes, — the  gun  for 
the  bow  and  arrow  and  cotton  cloth  for  the  hand-woven  clothing. 
The  Lacandones,  however,  still  keep  up  the  practice  of  their  for¬ 
mer  arts  of  spinning  and  weaving,  basket  and  pottery  making, 
and  the  fashioning  of  the  bow  and  arrow.  There  is  some  fear 
that  the  arts  of  spinning  and  weaving,  long  since  vanished  from 
Yucatan,  will  also  disappear  from  among  the  Lacandones  in 
another  generation.  They  now  buy  the  cotton  cloth  of  Mexi¬ 
can  manufacture  for  their  commonest  clothes.  Every  Indian 
along  the  Usumacinta  still  has  his  cotton  patch,  however.  The 
wives  gather  the  product  and  spin  it  upon  a  spindle  composed 
of  a  slender  pointed  stick  about  ten  inches  long,  which  passes 
through  a  small  ball  or  disk  either  of  wood  or  bone.  The  spindle 
is  twisted  between  the  fingers  as  the  lower  end  rests  in  a  small 
gourd,  which  is  either  held  between  the  knees  or  placed  on  the 
ground  in  front  of  the  person.  The  mass  of  unspun  cotton 
rests  on  the  shoulder,  and,  as  it  is  spun,  it  is  wound  on  the 
spindle  (PI.  XI,  Fig.  1).  The  coarse  yarn  thus  made  is  used 
directly  in  the  loom.  The  colored  thread  used  in  making  a 
woman’s  skirt  is  usually  obtained  from  the  Mexicans  in  trade. 

The  loom  is  of  the  same  form  as  is  seen  among  the  Mexican 
Indians  (PI.  XII,  Fig.  1),  the  Pueblo  peoples,  and  the  Navajos. 
The  position  of  the  loom  is  horizontal  rather  than  vertical, 
as  among  the  Navajos.  The  Lacandone  loom  has  two 
bamboo  reeds  fastened  to  the  finished  cloth  to  hold  it  out  to 
the  desired  width,  as  the  piece  of  cloth  woven  is  often  eight 


56 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


or  ten  feet  long.  As  it  is  finished  it  is  wound  up  on  the  top 
cross  stick.  A  shuttle  is  used  in  weaving  the  plain  garments. 
The  end  of  the  loom  where  the  work  is  being  done  is  fastened 
by  a  band  around  the  waist  of  the  weaver  1  and  the  other  end 
is  tied  to  a  post  or  tree.  The  worker  then  sits  as  far  back 
as  possible  from  the  post  to  give  the  required  tension  (PI.  XI, 
Fig.  2). 2  The  cloth  is  always  woven  in  one  straight  piece, 
and  is  sewed  together  afterward  in  forming  either  the  poncho- 
like  upper  garment  of  the  men  and  women  alike  or  the  scant 
skirt  of  the  women.  The  looms  are  all  about  the  same  width, 
which  is  not  over  two  and  a  half  feet. 

Another  form  of  weaving  is  seen  in  the  manufacture  of 

hammocks.  According  to 
Don  Juan  Molina  Solis,3 
the  hammock  is  not,  as  is 
commonly  supposed,  native 
to  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan, 
but  its  use  was  introduced 
by  the  Spaniards,  who  first 
brought  it  from  the  island 
of  Santo  Domingo.  The 
hammock  is  now  used  uni¬ 
versally  throughout  Y  ucatan 
by  the  Mexicans  as  well  as 
by  the  Mayas.  A  swinging 
seat  much  like  a  hammock  is  suspended  in  a  tree  and  used  by 
hunters  at  night.  This,  according  to  Mr.  E.  H.  Thompson,  is 
native  to  the  country,  and  may  be  the  ancestor  of  the  hammock.4 
The  hammocks  are  all  of  native  workmanship,  and  are 

1  Compare  the  loom  used  among  the  Pokomchi  Indians  pictured  by  Sapper, 
1004,  a,  Plate  IV,  Fig.  2. 

2  Fig.  1  shows  an  interesting  parallel  taken  from  the  Codex  Tro-Cortesianus. 

8  Molina,  1806,  p.  247. 

4  An  Italian  Ms.  in  the  British  Museum  by  Galeotto  Cey  (Viaggioe  Eelazione 
delle  Indie,  1530-1552)  has  upon  the  margin  of  one  of  the  pages  an  interesting 
ink  sketch  of  a  hammock,  called  amaccor ,  probably  the  first  picture  of  a  ham¬ 
mock  from  the  Indies. 


Fig.  1. 

Tro-Cort.  79,  c. 


INDUSTRIAL  ACTIVITY 


57 


usually  made  of  henequen.  This  is  first  twisted  into  cord  by 
rolling  it  on  the  bare  knee  with  the  palm  of  the  hand.  The 
strands  are  then  woven  on  frames  set  up  in  the  domestic  hut. 
The  Lacandones  also  use  the  hammock  for  sleeping.  They 
make  them  only  for  their  own  use,  and  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  find  one  which  may  be  bought.  The  cord  is  a  species  of 
agave  fiber,  and  is  twisted  in  the  same  manner  as  in  Yucatan. 
The  hammock,  however,  is  quite  different.  It  is  not  woven  in 
the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  but  is  composed  of  parallel  cords 
knotted  together  at  intervals  of  about  six  inches  (PL  XII, 
Fig.  2).  The  finished  hammock  is  only  about  three  feet  wide 
and  seven  feet  long,  whereas  that  of  Yucatan  is  often  sixteen 
feet  long  and  can  be  stretched  out  to  a  great  width.  The 
Lacandone  hammock,  owing  to  the  nature  of  its  construction, 
cannot  be  stretched.  The  natives  of  Chiapas  also  make  a  ham¬ 
mock  with  the  ordinary  checker-board  weave. 

Still  another  form  of  weaving  among  the  Lacandones  is  seen 
in  the  manufacture  of  the  carrying  nets  or  bags  which  are 
carried  supported  on  the  back  by  a  strap  or  cord  going  over 
the  forehead.  These  are  used  principally  to  bring  corn  and 
other  products  from  the  milpa.  These  bags  are  made  of  agave 
fiber,  and  are  netted  rather  than  woven. 

Baskets  are  made  both  by  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones. 
They  are  crude  affairs,  however,  and  have  little  or  no  artistic 
value.  Coiled  basketry  is  unknown.  The  form  usually  taken 
by  the  Maya  baskets  is  that  of  a  wide-mouthed  bowl  with 
straight  sides.  Bird  cages  of  basketry  are  often  made  in  both 
localities.  These  are  round  and  come  to  a  point  at  the  top. 
When  the  huts  of  the  natives  have  doors,  as  is  the  case  in  most 
parts  of  Yucatan,  they  are  usually  made  of  vines  or  bejucos 
woven  on  upright  sticks. 

Manufacture  of  Bows  and  Arrows.  —  The  Lacandones  seem  to 
devote  all  their  artistic  strength  to  the  manufacture  of  their 
bows(tsulul  or  pooptSe)  and  arrows  (hul  or  herlerl)  (Fig.  2,  p.  58). 
These  bows  and  arrows  in  their  shape  and  finish  certainly 
show  a  love  of  the  beautiful  in  their  fashioners.  The  bow 


o 


58 


MATAS  AND  LACANDONES 


O 


is  made  of  the  wood  of  the  guayacan  or  lignum  vitse 
( G-uaieum  sanctum'),  which  is  especially  adapted  by 
reason  of  its  strength  and  elasticity.  The  only  tool 
used  in  the  manufacture  of  the  bows  and  arrows  is 
the  machete,  now  to  he  found  every¬ 
where  throughout  most  of  the  ter¬ 
ritory  occupied  by  the  Lacandones. 
a  a  The  natives  who  live  between  Lake 

Petha  and  Ocosingo  in  Chiapas 
seem  to  he  the  principal  fashioners 
of  the  bows.  They  get  out  the 
wood,  shape  it  rudely,  and  then 
barter  it  with  the  Lacandones  of 
other  regions.  The  wood  of  which 
the  bow  is  made  is  full  of  pitch.  This 
is  extracted  by  heating  in  the  fire. 
Ileat  is  also  used  in  straightening 
and  shaping  the  arrows.  The  bow 
is  usually  a  little  shorter  than  the 
person  for  whom  it  is  intended.  The 
general  length  is  about  five  feet  six 
inches.  They  are  nearly  straight, 
curving  slightly  in  the  direction  op¬ 
posite  to  that  when  drawn.  The  cross 
section  of  the  middle  of  the  bow 
approaches  an  ellipse,  the  larger  di¬ 
ameter  about  an  inch.  This  decreases 
toward  the  ends,  which  are  round  in 
cross  section  and  about  a  half  inch  in 
diameter.  The  bow  string  is  made 


Fig.  2. 

Lacandone  bow  and  arrows  (after  Maler)  :  a, 
bow  ;  6,  bird  bolt  ;  c,  wooden  pointed  arrow  for 
fish  and  small  game  ;  d,  stone-pointed  backed 
arrow  ;  e,  stone-pointed  arrow.  Scale:  •}. 


INDUSTRIAL  ACTIVITY 


59 


of  twisted  agave  fiber.  The  upper  tip  of  the  bow  is  called  uni, 
its  nose ;  the  middle  of  the  back  upats,  its  back ;  the  middle  of 
the  front  utan,  its  middle ;  and  the  end  resting  on  the  ground 
utsun,  its  stem.1 

The  arrows  in  their  finish  are  works  of  art.  They  are  of 
three  kinds,  according  to  their  intended  use.  The  arrows 
used  with  the  largest  bows  are  about  four  feet  six  inches  long, 
with  the  exception  of  the  bird  bolt,  which  is  slightly  over  four 
feet.  All  the  arrows  have  two  clipped  feathers  (uiik,  its  wing) 
at  the  end,  at  right  angles  to  the  notch  for  the  bow  string. 
This  notch  is  made  in  a  separate  piece  of  wood,  which  is  in¬ 
serted  into  the  hollow  end  of  the  reed  forming  the  shaft  of  the 
arrow.  The  feathers  are  from  the  buzzard  (balunkuk  or  kon- 
toq),  two  species  of  parrots  (mo  and  plman),  and  two  species 
of  hawk  (ekpip  and  suktsitS).  Both  feathers  on  the  same 
arrow  are  usually  from  the  same  bird.  Large  quantities  of 
feathers  are  usually  kept  on  hand.  Each  is  strung  upon  a 
cord,  and  the  whole  carefully  wrapped  in  bark  fiber  until  they 
are  used. 

A  set  of  arrows  is  usually  composed  of  twelve:  a  bird  bolt 
(pakat)  ( b ,  Fig.  2),  four  unpointed  (c,  Fig.  2),  two  stone- 
pointed  and  the  foreshafts  barbed  (c?,  Fig.  2),  and  five  stone- 
pointed  and  the  foreshafts  either  square  or  round  (e,  Fig.  2). 
The  bird  bolt  is  made  of  a  hollow  reed  (Spanish  carrizo  or  cana 
brava ).  It  is  very  light  in  weight.  The  point  is  made  of 
wood  and  is  very  blunt.  This  arrow  is  designed  for  use  in 
capturing  birds  alive,  as  it  stuns  rather  than  kills  them.  All 
the  arrows  other  than  the  bird  bolt  are  made  with  a  shaft  (her- 
lerl)  and  foreshaft  (tsuste).  The  shaft  is  always  made  of  the 
same  hollow  light  reed  as  the  bird  bolt,  and  is  about  two  feet 
ten  inches  long  for  use  with  the  bow  of  five  feet  six  inches. 
The  foreshaft  is  about  one  foot  eight  inches  long,  and  is  either 
round  in  cross  section  or  square.  This  is  made  of  several 

1  For  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  Lacandone  how  and  arrow  and  a  compari¬ 
son  with  those  of  other  Central  American  peoples,  see  Sapper,  1903,  p.  56,  Figs. 
15-17,  d. 


60 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


kinds  of  wood.  The  palo  de  tinta  or  logwood  (eq)  is  often 
found.  The  chicosapote  (sakya)  is  also  a  common  wood  for  the 
foreshaft.1 

The  foreshaft  is  tipped  with  a  stone  point  (toq)  generally  of 
flint 2  but  sometimes  of  obsidian,  bone,  or  glass.  The  base 
of  the  point  is  sunk  in  a  notch  (upak)  in  the  end  of  the  fore¬ 
shaft,  which  is  afterward  wound  with  sinew  heavily  coated 
with  wax.  By  holding  the  end  over  the  fire  for  a  moment, 
the  wax  melts  and  the  whole  is  rubbed  smooth,  making  a  firm 
joint.  The  point  of  insertion  (uqas,  its  band)  of  the  foreshaft 


Package  of  flint  flakes  from  which  arrow  points  are  made.  (After  Maler.) 


into  the  hollow  reed  which  is  the  shaft  is  wound  firmly  with 
the  waxed  sinew  (t^ukikib). 

The  chipping  of  the  Hint  is  easily  and  quickly  done  by 
means  of  a  knuckle  bone  or  piece  of  steel.  The  chipping  of 
the  flake  from  the  large  core  is  done  after  heating  the  latter 
in  the  fire.  The  flake  which  is  to  be  pointed  is  held  in  the  left 
hand  between  the  thumb  and  forefinger,  the  former  being  pro¬ 
tected  by  a  piece  of  bark  fiber.  The  bone  or  steel  is  held  in 
the  right  hand.  The  point  is  easily  made  into  the  desired 
shape  by  pressure  alone.3 

1  The  names  in  Maya  for  some  of  the  varieties  of  wood  employed  in  the  fore- 
shafts,  some  of  which  I  have  been  unable  to  identify,  are  as  follows  :  qiis, 
moste,  tsakya,  uqaqtse,  kektSe,  and  kuktse. 

2  Fig.  3  (after  Maler,  1901-1903,  p.  37)  shows  a  package  of  flint  flakes  from 
which  arrow  points  are  made. 

3  Cf.  Sapper,  1897,  p.  261:  “  Ich  selbst  habe  nicht  Gelegenheit  gehabt,  das 
Verfertigen  von  Pfeilspitzen  mit  anzusehen  ;  dagegen  sah  ich  am  See  Pet  Ha  in 
Chiapas  zu,  wie  ein  Lacandone  abgebrochene  Pfeilspitzen  wieder  scharfte;  er 


INDUSTRIAL  ACTIVITY 


61 


In  every  set  of  twelve  arrows,  there  are  usually  two  whose 
foreshaft  is  cut  into  barbs  either  on  one  or  both  sides.  This 
arrow  (tututs)  is  used  for  shooting  monkeys  in  order  that  it 
cannot  be  pulled  out.  For  shooting  fish  and  small  birds  an 
arrow  is  used  of  the  same  form  as  the  stone-tipped  arrow  with 
the  stone  point  lacking.  The  wooden  foreshaft  is  simply 
sharpened. 

The  arrow  release  is  the  “  primary  release,”  with  the  arrow 
between  the  thumb  and  the  second  joint  of  the  forefinger. 
Owing  to  the  great  length  of  the  arrow,  the  bow,  when  pulled, 
has  necessarily  to  make  a  large  arc  in  order  that  the  arrow  may 
be  aimed  correctly.  The  male  children  have  arrows  suitable 
to  their  size,  which  they  always  carry  with  them.  They  early 
become  expert  in  shooting. 

The  bows  and  arrows  are  often  used  as  ceremonial  objects. 
They  are  made  and  presented  to  the  idols  in  behalf  of  the  gods 
as  a  prayer  for  success  in  the  hunt.  Two  round  spots  of  red 
paint  are  placed  on  the  shaft  of  the  arrows  when  they  are  thus 
offered.  When  a  son  arrives  at  the  age  of  puberty,  the  father 
offers  a  set  of  arrows  and  a  bow  to  the  gods  (Chant  No.  I1). 

The  bark  stripped  from  a  young  ceiba  (yastSe)  is  used  to  wrap 
around  the  bow  and  arrows  as  a  sort  of  quiver.  During  the 
last  few  years,  the  Mexicans  living  in  the  monterias  adjacent 


riss  mit  der  unteren  Kante  eines  starken  Messers  Splitterchen  um  Splitterchen 
von  der  Pfeilspitze  weg,  die  er  fest  in  der  Hand  hielt,  und  nach  kaum  einer 
Minute  war  aus  den  abgebrochenen  Trumm  eine  kleine  scharfe  Pfeilspitze 
geworden.” 

Professor  Saville  of  Columbia  University  has  kindly  placed  at  my  disposal 
the  following  unpublished  communication  of  Dr.  Hermann  Berendt  to  the 
American  Ethnological  Society,  November  12,  1873,  regarding  a  method  of 
arrow  chipping:  “The  mode  of  making  arrow  heads  from  flint  stone,  still  in 
use,  among  the  Lacandones  is  very  similar  to  that  already  described  by  Colonel 
Jones.  The  nucleus  being  placed  on  the  calf  of  the  leg,  a  sharpened  deer  horn 
is  used  as  a  chisel  and  a  piece  of  hard  wood  as  a  hammer  to  separate  the  flakes. 
It  is  probable  that  the  same  proceeding  was  known  in  Yucatan,  for  while  living 
in  Campeche  a  sepulcher  was  opened,  and  in  an  earthen  bowl,  besides  some 
obsidian  and  flint  implements,  a  deer  horn  was  found  with  identically  sharpened 
points.” 

1  This  and  succeeding  chants  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


62 


MATAS  AND  LACANDONES 


to  tlie  settlements  of  the  Lacandones  have  found  that  there  is  a 
market  for  the  bows  and  arrows  in  the  Mexican  towns.  As  a 
consequence,  some  of  the  less  retiring  of  the  natives  have  been 
persuaded  to  make  sets  of  bows  and  arrows  for  sale.  It  is  very 
seldom,  however,  that  they  will  consent  to  part  with  those  they 
actually  use  in  hunting,  as  in  many  cases  these  also  have  some 
ceremonial  use. 

No  trace  of  the  bow  and  arrow  lias  been  found  in  Yucatan, 
although  we  have  many  references  to  their  use  by  early  writers 
for  offensive  weapons.1 

Pottery  Making.  —  Pottery  making  still  exists  in  Yucatan 
in  the  manufacture  of  the  earthen  water  jais.  A  centre  of  this 
industry  is  in  Ticul,  south  of  Merida,  Yucatan.  The  jars  are 
used  by  the  women  throughout  the  peninsula  in  carrying  water 
from  the  cenote  or  well  to  their  huts.  The  usual  form  of 
vessel  has  two  handles  opposite  each  other.  They  are  made 
by  hand  with  the  help  of  a  smooth  wooden  paddle.  The  mass 
of  wet  clay  rests  on  a  square  block  of  wood  which  is  turned  by 
the  feet  of  the  modeler  as  he  sits  on  a  stool  before  the  pot 
(PI.  XIII,  Fig.  3).  This  may  be  an  interesting  and  early  form 
of  the  potter’s  wheel.2  After  the  jar  is  shaped  by  hand,  it  is 
baked  in  a  wood  fire  to  complete  it.  An  interesting  survival 
of  form  but  with  the  change  of  material  is  seen  in  the  jars 
which  are  now  made  of  tin.  They  are  of  the  same  shape  as 
the  earthen  ones.  These  are  used  in  gi'eat  numbers  by  the 
natives  living  around  Palenque  in  the  state  of  Chiapas.  The 
shape  of  the  pots  makes  them  admirably  fitted  to  be  carried  on 
the  hip,  as  is  the  universal  custom. 

Among  the  Lacandones  the  jar-shaped  water  pots  are  not 
found,  as  all  the  water  is  carried  in  large  hollow  gourds. 
Earthen  vessels  of  all  sizes,  however,  are  made  by  the  natives 

1  Cf.  “  Relacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Merida,”  1000,  Vol.  XI,  p.  41 :  “Las  annas 
con  que  los  yndios  peleaban  en  la  guerra  eran  arcos  de  palo  y  flechas  de  canas 
delgadas  con  puntas  de  pedernal,”  and  in  “Relacion  de  Tahzib,”  1900,  Vol.  XI, 
p.  187,  “  — -peleaban  con  arco  y  flechas  puesto  un  pedernal  en  la  punta.” 

2  Cf.  Mercer,  1897. 


INDUSTRIAL  ACTIVITY 


63 


of  Chiapas.  Bowls  for  food  are  modeled  by  hand,  the  clay 
resting  on  a  banana  leaf  which  readily  turns  on  the  board  on 
which  it  rests.  The  clay  incense-burners  of  the  Lacandones 
will  be  described  in  detail  later,  when  taking  up  the  religion  of 
the  Lacandones  (p.  84).  The  ceremonial  drum  is  also  another 
example  of  the  potter’s  art  among  these  natives.  It  is  often  of 
a  graceful  shape  and  with  the  same  crude,  mask-like  face  seen 
on  the  incense-burners  (PI.  XX,  Fig.  2).  Jars  of  a  slightly 
different  shape  from  that  of  the  drum  are  made  for  holding  the 
ceremonial  drink  (baltse).  These  pots  have  a  much  shorter 
neck  than  those  of  the  drums,  and  rest  on  three  very  short  legs 
(p.  114).  Some  of  these  also  have  the  crude  head  on  one  side. 
It  is  smaller,  however,  and  much  more  insignificant  than  the 
head  on  the  drum. 

Apiculture  is  practiced  among  both  the  Mayas  and  the 
Lacandones.  Among  the  latter  people  it  has  a  ceremonial  sig¬ 
nificance.  Hollow  logs  are  placed  inside  the  sacred  house  of 
the  gods,  and  the  deposition  of  the  honey  by  the  bees  has  a 
religious  meaning.1 

Fire  Making.  —  Under  the  head  of  industries  would  come  the 
making  of  fire.  The  flint  and  steel  is  known  throughout  Yuca¬ 
tan  and  a  part  of  the  territory  of  the  Lacandones.  In  certain 
of  the  ceremonies  among  the  latter  people,  it  is  necessary  to 
make  new  fire.  The  simple  “two-piece”  apparatus  is  used  (PI. 
XXV,  Fig.  2).  An  upright  stick  is  twisted  between  the  palms 
of  the  hands  and  one  end  of  the  stick  rests  in  a  groove  of  a 
horizontal  one  which  lies  on  the  ground.  The  friction  thus 
made  ignites  some  tinder  made  of  logwood  shavings,  which  in 
turn  is  used  to  light  the  wood  already  prepared  for  the  fire. 

House  Building.  —  The  dwellings  of  both  the  Mayas  and  the 
Lacandones  are  practically  identical  in  construction.  The  only 
difference  is  that  the  house  of  the  native  of  Chiapas  is  really 
little  more  than  a  shelter  and  often  has  no  sides  and  doors  as  do 
the  houses  in  Yucatan.  The  usual  form  of  house  found  through- 

1  The  bee  industry,  probably  from  a  ceremonial  standpoint,  is  pictured  at 
great  length  in  the  Codex  Tro-Cortesianus,  103-112. 


64 


MAYAS  AN1)  LACANDONES 


out  the  peninsula  is  oblong  with  rounded  ends.  There  are  two 
doors  opposite  each  other  in  the  sides  which  face  the  street  or 
path  on  which  the  house  is  located.  In  the  native  huts  in  the 
towns  of  Yucatan,  at  either  side  of  the  door  facing  the  street, 
there  is  a  protruding  wall  connecting  the  house  with  the  stone 
wall  which  invariably  starts  at  either  side  of  the  entrance  to  the 
hut.  The  better  type  of  Maya  dwellings  always  has  a  smaller 
and  less  carefully  built  structure  in  the  yard  behind,  where  all 
the  cooking  is  done. 

The  framework  of  the  roof  rests  on  four  forked  posts,  which 
stand  at  each  corner  of  the  house.  The  roof  is  thus  independ¬ 
ent  of  the  sides  and  walls,  which  are  made  either  of  slender 
sticks  set  close  together  and  covered  with  mud  or  palm  leaves, 
or  of  rock  and  piaster,  the  form  usually  seen  in  the  villages. 
In  the  early  Relaciones  references  are  made  to  the  palm- 
leaf  huts  as  being  more  healthful  than  those  built  of  stone.1 
The  steep  roof,  which  comes  down  very  low,  is  made  of  palm 
leaves  tied  to  a  framing  by  flexible  vines.2  The  parts  of  the 
frame  itself  are  also  tied  with  the  vines  or  bejucos.  The  doors 
are  usually  made  of  wickerwork.3 

The  huts  of  the  Lacandones  seldom  have  rounded  ends  and 
often  no  sides.  The  roof,  especially  that  of  the  ceremonial 
shelter,  comes  down  very  low  and  serves  in  place  of  walls. 
The  gable  ends,  however,  are  open.  In  the  material  used  and 
the  method  of  construction,  the  huts  are  identical  with  those 
of  the  Mayas  (PI.  VI II,  Figs.  1,  2,  3). 

1  “Relacion  ce  Quizil  y  Sitipeche,”  1900,  Vol.  XI,  p.  219:  “  Comunmente 
Lis  yndios  hazen  sus  casas  de  madera  y  bara§on  cubiertas  de  paja  y  de  hojas  de 
palmas  que  en  algunas  partes  ay  en  abundancia  aunque  pudieran  hazerlas  de 
piedra  por  aber  mucha  en  la  tierra,  —  dizen  que  lo  hazen  por  mas  sano  bebir  en 
las  casas  de  paja  que  de  piedra  por  causa  de  las  calores  que  hazen  desde  el  mes 
de  abrill  hasta  setienbre.” 

2  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XX,  p.  110:  “Que  la  manera  de  hazer  las  casas 
era  cubrirlas  de  paja  que  tienen  muy  buena  y  mucha,  o  con  hojas  de  palma  que 
es  propria  para  esto.” 

3  For  a  detailed  drawing  showing  the  construction  of  the  Ivekchi  home, 
which  resembles  in  general  plan  that  of  the  Maya,  see  Sapper,  1904,  a,  Plate  V. 


ARTISTIC  ACTIVITY 


Decoration,- — In  the  decorative  art,  the  Mayas  are  very  low- 
in  the  scale  of  human  culture. 

The  kind  of  civilization  which  the  Maya  has  received 
from  the  Spaniards  has  rendered  him  an  impossible  subject 
for  a  study  of  primitive  art.  The  Lacandones,  on  the  other 
hand,  one  would  imagine  might  furnish  a  fertile  field  for  this 
study.  They  are,  however,  nearly  as  destitute  of  any  evi¬ 
dences  of  artistic  activity  as  are  the  natives  of  the  peninsula. 

An  attempt  at  decoration  among  the  Lacandones  is  found  on 
the  gourd  vessels  in  which  they  offer  posol  and  baltle  to  the 
idols  in  behalf  of  the  gods.  The  designs  (Figs.  4-15,  pp.  66-68)1 
are  remarkably  crude  in  their  conception.  They  are  made  by 
incised  lines  on  the  rounded  surface  of  the  gourd.  It  was 
impossible  to  obtain  a  satisfactory  explanation  for  any  of  the 
figures  except  those  which  were  said  to  be  men.  These  are 
curiously  d.ra.wn,  showing  the  ribs  and  backbone.  The  greater 
part  of  the  designs  are  star-shaped  figures  surrounding  the 
slight  projection  where  the  stem  of  the  gourd  has  been  broken 
off.  Many  of  the  vessels  have  parallel  wavy  lines  running 
around  them.  The  name  uhotal,  the  generic  name  for  decora¬ 
tion  or  adornment,  was  the  only  answer  to  questioning  in 
regard  to  the  significance  of  the  designs.  However  full  of 
symbolism  these  designs  may  once  have  been,  it  is  lost  among 
the  Lacandones  of  the  present  time.  The  figures  certainly 
have  no  hieroglyphic  significance.  Mr.  Sapper  mentions  the 
designs  he  saw  on  the  drinking  vessels,  but  he  does  not  seem  to 
attach  any  importance  whatever  to  the  meaning  of  the  figures.2 

1  For  an  interesting  design  on  a  gourd  vessel,  see  also  PL  XXI,  Fig.  1. 

2  Sapper,  1897,  p.  262, 


65 


a 


a,  b,  designs  on  opposite  sides  of  jicara  for  baltse  ;  c,  design  on  bottom  of  same 
jicara ;  d,  decoration  at  stem  end  ( utsuts )  ;  e,  a  man  (winik)  ;  J ,  decoration  at 
blossom  end  (uyit  or  xitob). 


a,  side  of  jicara  for  baltse;  b,  bottom  of  same  jicara. 


66 


Figs.  7-9,  designs  on  jicaras  for  baltse. 
a  b 


Figs.  10  and  11,  a  and  b,  designs  on  opposite  sides  of  jicaras  for  baltse. 
Figs.  10-12  represent  men. 

67 


Fig.  13. 

Designs  on  jicaras.  (After  Maler,  1901-1903,  Figs.  6  and  7.) 


^ V-V'  -'  W  4.  4— 

Fig.  15. 

Design  on  jicara.  (After  an  unpublished  drawing  by  Maler.) 


68 


ARTISTIC  ACTIVITY 


69 


Figure  16 1  shows  a  design  made  on  the  face  of  a  high  cliff 
which  rises  directly  from  the  water  in  Lake  Petha  in  Chiapas. 
Behind  this  cliff,  as  will  be  described  later  (p.  148),  a  rite 
performed  in  behalf  of  one  of  the  gods  was  witnessed.  I  was 
unable  to  obtain  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  this  figure  other 
than  that  it  was  done  by  the  god  who  inhabited  the  cliff. 
Besides  this  design,  there  are  several  hand  prints  in  red,  some 
parallel  lines,  and  a  crude  human  figure  (Fig.  17).  Undoubt¬ 
edly  the  latter  designs  were  made 
by  the  Lacandones  now  inhabiting 
the  country.  It  is  probable,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  the  figure  of 
the  two-headed  serpent  (Fig.  16), 
from  the  nature  of  the  design  and 
the  method  of  carrying  it  out,  was 
made  by  a  people  who  possessed  a 
higher  artistic  level  than  that 
which  the  Lacandones  of  the  pres¬ 
ent  time  seem  to  have  attained. 

The  incense-burners  of  the  La¬ 
candones  show  decoration  of  two 
kinds,  a  crude  attempt  at  sculp¬ 
ture  and  at  painting  (PL  XV, 

Fig.  2).  The  result  cannot  be 
said  to  be  in  any  way  artistic  or 
carefully  carried  out.  The  head 
has  a  roughness  which  even  its  ugliness  cannot  hide,  and  the 
decoration  is  correspondingly  crude.  The  red  paint  is  made 
of  the  aehiote  berry  (Bixa  orellana'),  which  is  ground  and  mixed 
with  water.  The  black  is  the  soot  formed  in  burning  copal 
gum  under  an  overturned  olla.  This  making  of  soot  has  a 
ceremonial  significance  which  will  be  described  later  (p.  71), 


Fig.  17. 

Figures  on  cliff,  Petha. 
(After  Maler.) 


1 1  have  taken  this  drawing  from  Maler  (1901-1903,  p.  30,  Fig.  9),  as  my 
sketch  of  the  same  figure  is  inferior,  since  it  was  impossible  to  trace  it  as  Mr. 
Maler  has  done,  or  even  to  get  anywhere  near  it  on  account  of  the  lowness  of 
the  water  below  the  cliff  on  which  the  drawing  occurs. 


70 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


as  also  the  meaning  of  the  shape  and  decoration  of  the  incense- 
burner  (p.  84). 

Besides  these  ollas  for  burning  incense,  there  are  other 
objects  which  show  decoration.  The  gourd  rattle  (Fig.  19, 
p.  75),  used  as  an  accompaniment  to  the  singing  in  certain 
of  the  rites,  is  decorated  with  red  and  black  lines  which,  as 
far  as  could  be  ascertained,  have  as  little  significance  as  the 
lines  on  the  gourd  vessels.  The  round  part  of  the  rattle  is 
divided  into  quarters  by  double  red  lines  (uoibal,  anything 
written)  running  from  the  knob  of  copal  on  top  to  the  place 
where  the  handle  of  reeds  is  inserted.  Between  the  double 
line  there  is  a  row  of  holes  (usbil  uwits).  At  the  lower  end 
of  the  handle  are  thirteen  streamers  made  of  fiber  bark  colored 
red  and  decorated  with  cross  lines. 

The  chief  priest  in  certain  of  the  ceremonies  wears  a  robe  (PI. 
XIII,  Figs.  1  and  2)  decorated  with  a  design  in  red  and  black 
(PL  XV,  F  ig.  I).1  The  red  in  this  case  is  made  from  the  achiote 
berry  and  logwood.  The  black  is  the  soot  of  the  copal  mixed 
with  the  extract  made  of  the  logwood,  which,  as  in  the  former 
case,  serves  as  a  mordant.  The  garment  is  woven  by  hand  and 
is  white,  with  the  exception  of  two  fine  red  and  blue  lines 
which  are  woven  on  each  edge  of  the  cloth.  The  form  of  the 
robe  is  the  same  as  the  ordinary  poncho,  worn  by  the  men  and 
women  alike.  As  has  been  noted  before,  the  cloth  in  the  native 
loom  is  narrow,  and  two  strips  have  to  be  sewed  together  to 
give  the  desired  width  to  the  garment.  The  seam  comes  in 
the  middle  of  the  front  and  back.  As  the  red  and  blue  line  is 
woven  into  the  very  edge  of  the  cloth,  this  sewing  together 
makes  a  double  line  of  red  and  blue  in  the  center  of  the 
front  and  back,  in  addition  to  the  other  decoration,  which  is 
painted.  The  two  lengths  are  sewed  together  with  white 

1 1  did  not  see  this  robe  used  in  any  of  the  rites.  From  the  nature  of  its  deco¬ 
ration  and  the  slight  information  that  could  be  obtained,  it  seems  to  be  for  use 
in  a  rite  performed  when  rain  is  desired. 

Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  I,  Chap.  V,  p.  21,  mentions  a  long  robe  found  in  one  of 
the  sacred  huts  and  states  that  it  belonged  to  one  of  the  priests. 


ARTISTIC  ACTIVITY 


71 


thread,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  portion  about  halfway 
down  the  front  and  back,  where  red  and  blue  threads  are  used. 
The  other  decoration  is  all  done  with  paint.  The  whole  gar¬ 
ment  is  thickly  spotted  with  red  and  black  dots.  With  the  excep¬ 
tion  of  a  zone  about  a  foot  in  width  at  the  top  of  the  garment 
and  another  at  the  bottom,  there  is  scattered  at  less  frequent 
intervals  than  the  dots  a  design  of  a  broken  circle  in  black  with 
red  and  black  dots  in  the  center,  the  number  of  which  vary 
from  three  to  six.  This  circle  may  represent  the  earthen 
cover  which  is  placed  over  the  burning  copal  to  collect  the  soot 
for  the  manufacture  of  the  black  paint  (PI.  XIV,  Fig.  2). 
This  process  has  a  ceremonial  object  as  well.  The  rounded  in¬ 
terior  of  the  cover  represents  the  dome  of  the  heavens  and 
the  soot  collected  in  it  is  symbolic  of  the  black  rain  cloud. 
The  god  of  rain  is  called  Mensabak  (the  maker  of  the  black 
powder  or  soot).  It  is  probable  that  the  figures  of  the  broken 
circles  on  the  ceremonial  robe  represent  the  bottom  of  this 
cover  used  to  collect  the  soot,  not  only  when  it  is  desired  for 
paint,  but  in  certain  of  the  rites  when  rain  is  needed.  The 
breaks  in  the  circles  are  the  holes  at  the  bottom  edge  of  the 
cover  which  allow  the  air  to  enter.  The  dots  inside  the 
circles  and  over  the  other  parts  of  the  garment  may  represent 
the  rain. 

About  halfway  down  the  poncho  in  the  center  of  the  right 
side  is  represented  in  solid  black  a  female  kid  (yuk),1  and  on 
the  opposite  side  a  male  of  the  same  animal.  The  kid  is  not, 
as  one  might  suppose,  the  totemic  animal  of  the  encampment 
where  the  robe  was  made.  The  reason  for  its  portrayal  could 
not  be  ascertained.  Below  this  animal  on  either  side  is  a  group 
of  concentric  circles  in  red  and  black.  These  are  said  to  be  the 
breasts  (uylm)  of  the  robe.  Outside  these  circles  toward  the 
side  of  the  garment  is  a  star-shaped  figure  representing  a 
tarantula  (toi)  of  a  harmless  variety.  This  is  said  to  have 
been  the  first  thing  the  owner  of  the  robe  had  seen  after 

1  Yuk,  among  the  Lacandones,  is  translated  by  the  Spanish  word  cabrito ,  a 
young  goat.  Among  the  Mayas,  yuk  is  given  to  the  venado  Colorado. 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


lie  had  begun  to  decorate  the  poncho.  This  was  probably 
not  undertaken  until  after  a  rite  of  some  kind  had  been 
performed. 

Down  the  center  of  the  robe  on  either  side,  just  outside  the 
red  and  blue  line  woven  in  the  cloth,  but  only  in  the  middle 
zone  described  before,  is  a  broken  line  in  alternate  red  and  black. 
The  term  uoibal,  its  writing,  is  given  as  the  name  of  the  line. 
Around  the  edge  of  the  garment  are  groups  of  semicircular 
concentric  lines  of  red  and  black  inclosing  usually  two  dots.  The 
word  uyokil,  its  feet  or  border,  is  the  only  explanation  that 
could  be  obtained  for  this  part  of  the  decoration.  This  robe 
shows  the  most  elaborate  attempt  at  ornamentation  found 
among  the  Lacandones. 

Besides  this  ceremonial  garment,  the  ordinary  poncho  shows 
signs  of  decoration.  Red  paint  is  offered  to  the  gods  (p.  141) 
as  a  part  of  one  of  the  rites.  It  is  then  used  to  decorate  the 
clothes  of  the  participants  in  the  rite  in  question.  Spots  of  the 
paint  are  scattered  over  the  whole  garment  without  any  seem¬ 
ing  order  (PI.  XXVI,  Fig.  1).  These  fade  in  time  to  a  yellow. 
In  some  cases  the  poncho  of  the  leader  of  the  ceremony  has 
circles  made  upon  it  representing  the  breasts  seen  in  the  cere¬ 
monial  robe. 

There  is  also  an  attempt  at  decoration  seen  in  the  ceremonial 
hut.  On  the  ends  of  the  two  cross  beams  and  also  near  the  tops 
of  the  upright  posts  on  the  western  side  of  the  hut,  on  either 
side  of  the  hanging  shelf  where  the  idols  are  kept,  there  are 
two  circles  of  red.  These  may  represent  the  red  bands  of  fiber 
bark  (huun)  used  in  some  of  the  rites  to  tie  around  the  heads 
of  the  participants.  In  one  instance  the  circle  contained  a 
cross  inside,  which  may  have  had  some  astronomical  significa¬ 
tion.  The  hollow  log  (tiem)  which  serves  as  a  reservoir  for 
the  ceremonial  drink  also  has  the  two  red  circles  painted  upon 
it  for  the  same  signification. 

The  decoration  of  the  person  is  not  especially  marked. 
After  the  rite  where  a  gourd  of  red  paint  is  offered  to  the 
gods  (p.  141),  in  addition  to  the  painting  of  the  ponchos ,  the 


ARTISTIC  ACTIVITY 


73 


faces  of  the  participants  are  also  painted.  The  men  have 
spots  of  red  upon  the  chin  and  on  the  forehead  and  short  lines 
under  the  eyes.1  This  is  the  same  decoration  seen  on  the 
incense-burners.  The  leader  in  this  rite  has  two  circles  of  red 
running  around  each  ankle  and  wrist.  These  probably  corre¬ 
spond  to  the  two  circles  on  the  beams  and  post  of  the  cere¬ 
monial  hut,  on  the  reservoir  for  baltse,  and  on  the  arrows  when 
offered  to  the  gods.  In  one  case  observed,  a 
baby  had  his  legs  entirely  painted  with  the 
red  color. 

Among  the  natives  on  the  Lacantun  River, 
in  place  of  the  spot  of  red  in  the  middle  of 
the  forehead,  there  is  a  line  of  red  running 
down  from  the  center  of  the  forehead  to  the 
end  of  the  nose,  and  the  lines  under  the  eyes 
are  longer  than  those  seen  on  the  faces  of  the 
natives  at  Lake  Petha.  The  spot  on  the  chin 
is  the  same  in  both  cases.  This  difference  in 
painting  has  some  totemic  or  tribal  difference  which  I  was 
unable  to  make  out.  It  may,  however,  be  coincident  with  the 
two  different  types  of  incense-burners  and  with  the  different 
gods  found  in  the  two  places.  No  painting  of  the  body  with 
a  black  color  according  to  many  of  the  early  accounts  was 
observed. 

Music.  — Music  plays  a  surprisingly  small  part  in  the  daily  life 
of  either  the  Mayas  or  the  Lacandones.  They  cannot  be  said  to 
be  a  musical  people.  The  contrast  is  very  marked  when  one  is 
accustomed  to  hear  the  singing  and  playing  of  the  Mexicans. 
Very  few  of  the  Mayas  have  good  voices  and  their  singing  is 
harsh  and  unmusical.  The  grossest  discords  do  not  seem  to  be 
noticed. 

In  addition  to  the  many  modern  musical  instruments  which 
have  been  brought  into  the  countr}',  the  Mayas  have  a  few  which 
are  clearly  a  survival  of  the  time  when  music  played  a  part 

1  Figure  18,  a  figure  from  the  Dresden  Codex,  shows  spots  of  black  paint  on 
the  chin  and  forehead. 


Fig.  18. 
Dres.  8,  b. 


74 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


in  their  ceremonies.  One  example  of  the  musical  how  was 
observed . 1  This  was  made  of  a  flexible  rod  and  the  sinewy  fiber 
of  a  tree  as  the  string.  The  cord  is  made  to  vibrate  between 
the  lips  much  in  the  manner  of  the  Jew’s  harp  as  it  is  struck 
with  a  stick.  Distinct  musical  sounds  are  thus  produced. 

The  drum  is  found  made  of  a  hollow  log  with  two  tongues  of 
wood  of  different  thickness  which  are  struck  with  a  beater. 
This  same  form  of  drum  is  found  among  the  natives  of  Mexico, 
and  it  may  have  been  brought  into  Yucatan  by  early  settlers  from 
that  country. 

Among  the  Lacandones  the  ceremonial  drum  is  still  used 
(PI.  XX,  Fig.  2).  This  is  made  of  an  earthen  jar  with  the 
mouth  covered  with  a  piece  of  skin.  The  drum  stands  on  a 
base  made  of  twisted  vines.  It  is  struck  with  the  palms  of  the 
hands.  There  are  often  two  placed  side  by  side  in  the  cere¬ 
monial  hut  and  beaten  at  the  same  time.  This  form  of  drum 
always  has  upon  one  side  a  head  fashioned  in  clay  similar  in  all 
respects  to  that  seen  on  the  incense-burners.  The  drum  is  a 
god  in  itself  and  called  Qaiyum,  the  singing  god. 

The  conch-shell  trumpet  is  also  used  in  the  rites  of  the 
Lacandones.  It  is  blown  in  a  single  note  after  food  has  been 
offered  to  the  idols.  This  is  to  call  the  gods  to  come  down  and 
partake  of  the  offerings  which  have  been  placed  on  the  lips  of 
the  incense-burners. 

Among  the  Lacandones  a  crude  form  of  xylophone  was  ob¬ 
served.  It  was  in  such  imperfect  repair  that  it  was  impossible 
to  ascertain  the  scale  used  among  the  Mayas.  The  idea  may 
easily  have  been  introduced  by  the  Mexicans  living  in  Chiapas, 
as  the  marimba  is  common  among  them. 

A  very  interesting  form  of  reed  oboe  (PI.  XIV,  Fig.  3)  is  used 
quite  extensively  among  the  Lacandones.  The  mouthpiece 
consists  of  a  quill  inserted  in  the  end  of  the  hollow  reed.  The 
opening  where  the  sound  is  produced  is  built  up  and  surrounded 
by  a  mass  of  pitch.  There  are  five  finger  holes.  This  flute  is 
often  used  as  a  ceremonial  object  and  offered  to  the  gods.  In 
1  Of.  Saville,  1897,  pp.  272  —  273. 


ARTISTIC  ACTIVITY 


75 


such  a  case  red  paint  is  placed  around  each  of  the  finger 
holes.1 

The  Lacandone  ceremonial  rattle  (soot)  has  been  mentioned 
under  the  head  of  decorations  (p.  70).  It  is  composed  of  a 
round  gourd  through  which  there  runs  a 
wooden  stick  (Fig.  19).  At  the  top,  the  end 
of  the  stick  is  held  in  place  by  a  knob  of 
copal  gum.  The  other  end  of  the  stick  serves 
as  the  center  of  the  handle,  and  is  sur¬ 
rounded  by  six  or  eight  slender  reeds,  the 
upper  ends  of  which  pierce  the  gourd  in  a 
circle  around  the  center  hole  where  the  main 
handle  enters.  These  reeds  are  bound  around 
the  handle  by  a  winding  of  bark,  and  the 
ends  of  the  strips  of  bark  hang  down  in 

thirteen  streamers 
from  the  lower  part 
of  the  composite 
handle.2 

A  sort  of  rude 
guitar  (petiaktSe)  is 
made  of  a  flat  and 
thin  rectangular 
board  with  cross 
pieces  at  either  end, 
over  which  five 
strings  of  henequen  are  strung.  There 
is  no  way  of  tightening  the  strings, 
fig.  20.  and  there  is  no  approach  to  a  scale. 

Tro-Cort.  67,  a.  The  Mayas  of  Yucatan  make  a 

whistle  of  horn  with  which  they  imitate  the  cry  of  the  young 
deer.  They  use  this  in  hunting. 

1  Starr  (1902,  a,  Fig.  15)  describes  and  pictures  a  similar  flute,  but  with  four 
finger  holes,  used  among  the  Nalmas  in  the  dance  called  el  Toro  de  Cuero.  See 
also  Seler  (1899)  for  representations  of  flute  and  other  musical  instruments  found 
in  the  Codices. 

2  Ibid.  Fig.  24  is  a  picture  of  a  rattle  used  among  the  Mayas  and  made  in  a  simi¬ 
lar  way  as  regards  the  handle.  Cf.  also  Fig.  20,  from  the  Codex  Tro-Cortesianus. 


Fig.  19. 

Lacandone  rattle. 


76 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


Writers  on  the  Mayas  in  the  days  of  the  Conquest  make 
mention  of  the  tortoise-shell  drum,  a  trumpet  of  the  twisted 
gourd,  and  a  sort  of  guitar  with  two  arms  opposite  each  other.1 
No  examples  of  any  of  these  musical  instruments  were  observed 
either  among  the  Mayas  or  the  Lacandones. 

Games.  —  The  natives  of  Yucatan  still  practice  some  of  their 
old  games.  There  is  often  difficulty  in  separating  these  from 
the  games  of  later  origin  introduced  by  the  Mexicans. 

Yucatan  is  no  exception  to  the  rule  of  the  almost  universal 
presence  of  the  string  game,  or  “  string  figure.”  The  figure 
where  three  loops  meet  in  the  center  and  called  by  the  Navajos 
a  the  hogan  or  hut  is  called  among 

the  Mayas  the  “chicken’s  foot” 
c  (umotskas).  1  am  not  sure,  how¬ 
ever,  that  the  knot  in  the  center 
is  the  same  (Fig.  21).  There 
is  a  figure  which,  after  being 
made,  is  operated  by  two  persons, 
called  “sawing  wood”  (tinbuh- 
tse,  I  am  sawing  wood).  There 
are  four  loops  (Fig.  22):  a  is  held  in  the  mouth;  the  ends  of 
the  saw,  b  and  c ,  are  held  in  either  hand;  and  d,  the  end  of  the 
wood  to  be  split,  is  held  by  the  second  person.  As  the  ends, 
b  and  c,  are  pulled  out  from  the  center  in  a  sawing  motion,  the 
end  d  is  correspondingly  shortened. 

The  wooden  top  (polbirits)  of  the  ordinary  shape  is  found 
among  the  Mayas.  The  peg  is  a  part  of  the  top  itself.  A 
game  is  played  by  drawing  a  circle  on  the  ground  in  the  center 
of  which  money  or  grains  of  cocoa  are  placed.  The  aim  is  to 
knock  outside  the  ring  with  the  top  the  objects  in  the  center. 
This  is  undoubtedly  European  in  origin. 

A  game  corresponding  to  the  American  game  of  “  jack 


d 

Fig.  22. 
String  games  of  the  Mayas. 


stones  ”  is  played  witli  kernels  of  corn, 
pulanqam  and  in  Spanish  tirar  y  coyer. 


The  name  in  Maya  is 


1  Sapper  (1891,  p.  893)  mentions  a  two-armed  stringed  instrument  which  he  saw 
among  the  Lacandones.  This  form  probably  arises  from  European  influence. 


AUTISTIC  ACTIVITY 


77 


A  bull  roarer  is  made  of  the  dry  pod  or  berry  of  a  tree 
(piston).  The  pod,  which  is  nearly  round  and  hollow,  has 
three  holes  cut  in  it.  When  whirled  in  the  air  on  the  end  of 
a  string,  a  pleasing  musical  sound  is  made.  This  instrument 
is  said  to  have  taught  the  early  Mayas  how  to  whistle. 

Four  grains  of  corn  with  one  side  colored  black  are  used  in 
a  gambling  game  (basal  igim).  The  winning  throws  are  two 
black  or  all  black  sides  uppermost. 

A  game  called  wakpel  pul  (to  throw  six)  is  played  with  five 
sticks  (Fig.  23),  each  about  three  inches  high,  set  in  a  circle 
with  a  sixth  in  the  center.  The  pieces  are  made  of  a  certain 
kind  of  wood  which  has  branches  starting  out  opposite  to  each 
other  ( a  and  5).  Each  stick  has  grooves  cut  in  the  upper  end 
(c),  and  running  in  number  from  one  to  six. 

The  game  is  to  knock  down  one  or  more  of 
the  sticks  by  standing  at  a  distance  and 
throwing  coins,  cocoa  berries,  or  seeds. 

The  Mayas  of  Yucatan  fly  kites,  and  are 
quite  successful  in  making  fire  crackers  and 
rockets.  The  two  latter  accomplishments 
were  of  course  introduced  by  foreigners. 

Dancing.  —  Dancing  once  played  a  very  im¬ 
portant  part  in  the  ceremonial  life  of  the 
Mayas.  Special  dances  were  given  at  certain  Stick  ^ime  o£  the 
times  of  the  year.  There  were  often  dances 
for  the  men  and  others  for  the  women  at  the  different  festivals 
of  the  Maya  year.  The  few  dances  which  are  now  reported  as 
taking  place  among  the  Mayas  are  generally  of  mixed  origin 
(PI.  XVIII, Fig.  1).  The  stol  saidpalito  dances  are  both  strongly 
Mexican  in  character,  although  the  native  elements  still  remain 
to  some  degree.1 


1  Mr.  E.  H.  Thompson  has  made  a  special  study  of  the  Stol  Dance  with  bio¬ 
graphic  and  phonographic  records,  and  at  some  future  date  I  trust  that  we  may 
have  a  paper  from  him  on  this  subject.  I  was  not  fortunate  in  witnessing  one 
of  these  dances.  Mr.  Starr  saw  the  Stol  Dance  in  1891  and  he  gives  (1902,  a , 
pp.  18-19)  the  following  description:  “The  xtoles,  formerly  danced  every 
carnival  season  in  Merida,  is  falling  into  disuse.  .  .  .  They  [the  dancers]  are 


78 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


The  Lacandones  of  the  present  time  have  no  definite  and  set 
dances.  They  perform  a  slow  movement  with  the  feet  in  time 
to  the  shake  of  the  rattle  in  several  of  the  rites.  It  seems  to 
have  no  close  connection,  however,  with  the  progress  of  the 
ceremony. 

Indians,  or  are  intended  to  represent  them.  Their  dress  is  peculiar,  characteris¬ 
tic,  and,  in  part  at  least,  survival.  In  the  company  we  saw  there  were  fourteen 
dancers  and  a  standard  beai'er  ;  of  the  dancers  seven  represented  females  and 
wore  the  usual  female  garments  and  necklaces  of  coral  beads,  gold  chains,  pen¬ 
dants,  etc. ;  their  breasts  were  indicated  as  exaggeratedly  developed.  The  other 
dancers  wore  the  usual  men’s  white  shirts  and  drawers,  but  the  latter  had  a  red 
stripe  down  the  side  of  the  leg ;  jingling  hawkbells  were  hung  to  various  parts 
of  the  dress  ;  red  fajas  (belts)  were  worn  about  the  waist.  Most  of  the  dancers 
wore  sandals.  All  wore  crowns,  consisting  of  a  circlet  of  tin,  from  which  rose 
two  curving  strips  of  tin,  which  crossed  above  the  middle  of  the  head ;  from 
this  circlet  at  spaced  intervals  rose  four  feathers — either  real  feathers  or  imita¬ 
tions  in  tin.  Two  of  these  crowns,  with  real  feathers  and  of  unusual  magnifi¬ 
cence,  denote  the  king  and  queen.  Under  these  crowns,  covering  the  top  of  the 
head  and  hanging  down  behind  over  the  shoulders  and  back,  were  gay  red  and 
blue  kerchiefs.  All  were  masked,  mostly  with  old  bits  of  brown  cloth,  with  eye 
perforations  and  with  nose  and  chin  pinched  up  and  developed  by  tying.  The 
men  wore  a  baldric,  or  bandolier,  which  was  probably  of  ancient  type.  It  was 
wide,  square  at  the  ends,  made  of  cotton,  with  inwoven  designs  —  geometrical, 
animal,  bird,  etc. — in  colors;  at  the  ends  hung  bivalve  shells.  The  rattles 
used  had  an  oval  body  set  into  a  conical  bunch  of  splints,  uniting  downward 
into  a  handle  ;  these  rattles  were  painted  gayly.  Fans  were  carried  by  most 
of  the  dancers ;  they  had  a  wooden  frame  and  handle,  decorated  with  the 
national  colors  ;  the  body  was  made  of  the  handsome  feathers  of  the  ocellated 
tux-key  ;  the  handle  is  made  of  the  turkey’s  leg.  There  wei-e  two  musicians, 
one  with  a  pito,  or  whistle,  with  a  small  mouthpiece  gummed  at  the  end  of  a 
long  tin  tube  pierced  with  note  holes  ;  the  other  carried  a  painted  tin  drum  of 
the  huehuetl  type  ;  this  he  played  with  his  hands.  .  .  .  The  standard  con¬ 
sisted  of  a  long  pole,  surmounted  by  a  tin  disk,  representing  the  sun’s  face  with 
a  protruding  tongue  ;  on  the  cotton  banner  were  painted  the  sun,  two  men  danc¬ 
ing,  a  serpent,  and  the  words  Suburbio  de  Santiago,  1900.  The  leader  of  the 
dance,  the  queen,  carried  a  cord  of  San  Francisco,  with  which  to  strike  un¬ 
skilled  performers  and  intruders.  Besides  their  own  musicians,  they  had  an 
accompanying  band,  which  played  music  like  their  own  ;  it  played  befoi-e  and 
after  the  dancing  and  when  the  company  passed  from  house  to  house.  During 
the  dance  itself  the  piter o  and  drummer  perform.  The  music  was  peculiar  and 
may  be  both  old  and  Indian.  The  words  sung  were  Mayan.  ...  At  the  begin¬ 
ning  of  the  dance,  the  king,  queen,  and  two  musicians  were  in  the  center,  the 
dancers  circling  around  them  in  a  double  circle  ;  they  then  formed  into  two 
files,  facing,  alternately,  men  and  women  ;  salutes  were  given  and  pairs  danced  ; 
a  man  danced,  first  with  one,  then  with  the  other,  of  his  immediate  neighbors. 
There  was  a  good  deal  of  indecent  suggestion  in  the  dance.  The  fans  and  rattles 
were  used  in  graceful  movements,  among  which  crossings  were  frequent.” 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


I  shall  assume  from  the  very  beginning  that  the  religious 
life  of  the  Lacandones  of  the  present  day  is  a  survival,  not 
only  of  the  former  religion  of  this  one  branch  of  the  people, 
but  of  the  ancient  Mayas  of  Yucatan  as  well,  if  not  of  the  whole 
Maya  stock.  Grounds  for  this  assumption  are  furnished  by 
the  frequent  similarities  which  will  be  pointed  out  between  the 
religion  now  existing  among  the  Lacandones  and  that  of  the 
Mayas  of  the  peninsula  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  as 
described  by  Padre  Diego  de  Landa  in  his  “  Relacibnes  de  Las 
Cosas  de  Yucatan,”  and  by  other  Spanish  priests  and  explorers. 

It  has  seemed  best  to  take  up  first  in  detail  the  religion  of 
the  Lacandones  of  the  Usumacinta  region,  and  finally  that  of 
the  Mayas  of  Yucatan.  With  a  knowledge  of  the  religious 
rites  of  the  Lacandones,  parallels  may  be  more  easily  seen  in 
the  remains  of  rites  now  being  carried  on  by  the  nominally 
Catholic  subjects  in  Yucatan. 

Padre  Landa  states  that  the  Mayas  had  great  fear  of  death 
and  disease.1  This  is  seen  to-day  in  all  the  ceremonies  of  the 
Lacandones  in  honor  of  their  gods.  The  principal  aim  of 
these  rites  seems  to  be  that  of  a  supplication  for  life  and 
health.  The  prayers  used  are,  without  exception,  propitiations 
and  supplications  made  to  the  gods  to  ward  off  dangers  and 
diseases  in  exchange  for  the  sacrifices  offered  to  them.2  The 

1  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXXIII,  p.  194:  “  Que  esta  gente  tenia  mucho  temor  y 
excessivo  a  la  muerte,  y  esto  muestravan  en  que  todos  los  servicios  que  a  sus 
dioses  hazian  no  eran  por  otro  fin  ni  para  otra  cosa  sino  para  que  les  diessen 
salud  y  vida  y  mantenimientos.” 

2  Cf .  the  same  idea  expressed  in  an  account  of  the  natives  written  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  “  Relacidn  de  Cicontum,”  1900,  Vol.  XI,  p.  201: 
“Adoraban  a  ydolos  de  piedra  y  barro  y  de  palos  que  hazian  de  sus  manos, 
y  era  para  pedir  la  salud  y  hazienda  buenos  temporales.” 

79 


80 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


spiritual  side  of  the  religion  is,  of  course,  always  uppermost, 
as  with  all  uncivilized  and  semi-civilized  people.  Brinton  says, 
“  The  earliest  hymns  and  prayers  do  not,  as  a  rule,  contain 
definite  requests,  but  a  general  appeal  to  the  god  to  be  pres¬ 
ent,  to  partake  of  the  feast  which  is  spread,  .  .  .  and  to  con¬ 
tinue  his  good  offices  toward  those  who  call  upon  him.”  1 

Both  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones  believe  in  a  future  life 
and  in  a  place  filled  with  everything  good,  where,  with  the 
exception  of  suicides,  every  one  sooner  or  later  goes.  There 
is  a  conductor  who  accompanies  the  piSan  or  soul  to  its  final 
resting  place.  Food  is  given  for  this  journey,  but  at  its  com¬ 
pletion  human  aid  is  no  longer  necessary  for  the  happiness  of 
the  departed  spirit.2 

The  Lacandones  are  not  at  the  lowest  stage  of  religious 
experience.  Their  entreaty  for  life  and  health  is  not  purely 
personal  and  selfish,  as  the  wife  and  children  are  always 
mentioned  in  the  prayers.  The  personal  ego  enlarges  into 
that  of  the  family,  and  the  beginning  of  altruism  is  formed. 
As  the  wife  has  no  part  in  the  ceremonial  life  of  the  tribe,  her 
welfare  has  necessarily  to  be  looked  after  by  the  husband. 

The  ethical  side  of  religion,  as  distinguished  from  the 
spiritual,  is  almost  wholly  lacking  among  the  Lacandones. 
The  social  consciousness  of  this  people  acts  with  little  strength 
outside  the  family,  or  possibly  beyond  the  small  totemic  divi¬ 
sion.  The  general  fear  of  death,  with  a  desire  for  the  per¬ 
petuation  of  the  species,  and  the  specific  and  local  dangers 
of  fever  and  the  bite  of  serpents  are  the  causes  of  religious 
observance  among  the  Lacandones. 

Gods.  — There  is  a  hierarchy  of  gods,  each  of  whom  seems  to 
have  a  different  function  to  perform  and  possesses  different 
attributes.  Landa  mentions  the  names  of  thirty-six  gods  and 
goddesses  in  describing  the  ceremonies  celebrated  in  the 
months  of  the  Maya  year.  In  a  few  cases  the  names  of  the 
gods  as  given  by  the  early  authorities  correspond  to  the  names 
of  those  now  being  worshiped  among  the  natives.  The  mere 

1  Brinton,  U.  G.,  1897,  p.  104.  2  Cf.  Mortuary  Customs,  p.  47. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


81 


name  seems  to  survive  often  when  the  functions  and  attributes 
either  have  changed  or  have  vanished  completely. 

With  one  or  two  exceptions,  the  gods  are  more  or  less 
friendly  and  well  disposed  toward  the  natives.  They  are  of 
both  sexes,  and  are  supposed  often  to  inhabit  the  interior  of 
cliffs.  The  ruined  temples  found  throughout  the  country 1  are 
believed  to  be  the  shrines  and  homes  of  some  of  the  gods. 
Each  god  has  a  distinct  dwelling  place,  which  is  usually  on  the 
borders  of  a  lake  or  river. 

Frequent  pilgrimages  are  even  now  made  by  the  Indians 
to  the  ruins.2  Rites  are  performed  there,  as  is  shown  by  the 
finding  of  incense-vessels  and  the  remains  of  burned  copal  in 
the  rooms  of  the  ruined  structures. 

Almost  constant  references  occur  in  the  books  of  early 
travelers  and  missionaries,  as  well  as  in  those  of  later 
explorers,  concerning  the  finding  of  incense-vessels  and  copal 
in  the  ruined  structures.3 

1  As  has  been  stated,  at  Piedras  Negras  and  Menche  or  Yaxchilan  on  the 
Usuraacinta  River,  there  are  large  ruined  cities,  as  well  as  many  smaller  ones 
on  several  tributaries  of  the  river.  For  a  map  of  the  ruins,  see  Maler,  1901- 
1903,  PI.  I. 

2  Sapper,  1897,  p.  265:  “Bis  vor  Kurzem  kamen  eine  Anzahl  Lacandonen 
(wahrsclieinlich  von  Lacanja  aus)  nach  den  Ruinen  von  Men  chi:  Tunamit  um 
ihre  Feste  zu  feiern  und  ihren  Gottern  zu  opfern,  wobei  sie  ilire  Opferschalen 
im  Tempel  zuriickliessen.  Genaueres  iiber  den  Yerlauf  ihrer  Feste  ist  aber 
nicht  bekannt.” 

3  For  early  accounts,  see  Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  IV,  Chap.  VII,  p.  193:  “  Hallfe 
en  una  de  las  dos  Capillas  cacas  ofrecido,  y  serial  de  copal  (que  es  su  incienso) 
de  poco  tiempo  alii  quemado,  y  que  lo  era  de  alguna  supersticion,  6  idolatria 
recien  cometida.” 

Villagutierre,  1701,  Bk.  IV,  Chap.  XIV,  p.  264:  “.  .  .  era  el  Adoratorio 
de  los  perversos  Idolos  de  aquellos  Lacandones,  donde  se  hallaron  muchos  de 
ellos,  de  formas  raras,  como  assimismo  cantidad  de  gallinas  muertas,  Brasseros, 
con  senates  de  aver  quemado  copal  y  aim  se  hallaron  las  cenizas  calientes,  y 
otras  diversas,  rediculas,  y  abominables  cosas,  pertenecientes  k  la  execucion  de 
sus  perversos  Ritos,  y  Sacrificios.” 

Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXVII,  p.  158:  “Que  tenian  gran  muchedumbre  de 
idolos  y  templos  sumptuosos  en  su  manera,  y  aun  sin  los  comunes  templos 
tenian  los  senores  sacerdotes  y  gente  principal  oratorios  y  idolos  en  casa  para 
sus  oraciones  y  ofrendas  particulares.  Y  que  tenian  a  Cuzmil  y  pocjo  de  Chiche- 
niza  en  tanta  veneracion  como  nosotros  a  las  romerias  de  Hierusalem  y  Roma  y 


82 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


In  an  important  ruined  center,  to  which  the  name  the  Ruins 
of  Tzendales  has  been  given,  on  the  Rio  Colorado,  an  affluent 
of  the  Tzendales  and  this  in  turn  of  the  Lacantun,  which 
unites  with  the  Chixoy  or  Salinas  to  form  the  Usumacinta,1 
there  was  found  by  the  writer  in  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  best 
preserved  of  the  structures  five  incense-burners  of  the  type 
ordinarily  made  by  the  Lacandones.  These  were  arranged  on 
the  floor  in  a  line  in  front  of  a  stela ,  sculptured  only  on  one  side 
and  at  right  angles  to  it.  This  stone  was  not  in  its  original 

assi  les  ivan  a  visitar  y  offrecer  dones,  principalmente  a  la  de  Cozmil,  como 
nosotros  a  lugares  santos,  y  ya  que  no  ivan,  siempre  embiavan  sus  offrendas. 
Y  los  que  ivan  tenian  de  costumbre  de  entrar  tambien  en  templos  derelictos, 
quando  passavan  por  ellos  a  orar  y  quemar  copal.” 

For  later  accounts,  see  Charnay,  1882,  p.  88  :  .  .  se  trouvent  une  multitude 

de  vases  d’une  terre  grossi&re  et  d’une  forme  nouvelle;  ce  sont  des  bols  de  dix 
ii  quinze  centimetres  de  diamfetre  sur  cinq  h  six  de  hauteur,  dont  les  bords 
sond  ornds  de  masques  humains  reprtisentant  des  figures  camardes  et  d’autres  it 
grandes  nez  lmsquds,  vtiritables  caricatures  oil  l’art  fait  compietement  defaut. 
Cependant,  il  faut  bien  remarquer  cette  difference  de  types  qui  pourrait  designer 
deux  races.  Ces  vases  servaient  de  bruler  parfums,  et  la  plupart  sont  encore  it 
moitie  pleins  de  copal.  .  .  .  Nous  retrouverons  de  ces  memes  vases  dans  tous  les 
edifices  qui  paraissent  avoir  ete  destines  au  culte.” 

Maler,  1901-1903,  pp.  64,  88,  90,  123,  136,  and  162. 

Maudslay,  1889-1902,  Text,  Yol.  II,  p.  46,  and  1883,  p.  200.  In  the  latter 
place,  in  speaking  of  the  ruins  of  Yaxchilan,  Mr.  Maudslay  says:  “In  nearly  all 
the  houses,  I  found  earthen  pots,  partly  filled  with  some  half-burned  resinous 
substance.  .  .  .  They  were  in  great  numbers  round  the  idol  in  the  house  I  lived 
in.  Some  looked  newer  than  others,  and  many  were  in  such  positions  that  it  was 
clear  that  they  had  been  placed  there  since  the  partial  destruction  of  the  houses. 
I  have  little  doubt  that  they  have  been  made  and  brought  by  the  Lacandon  In¬ 
dians,  who  still  live  in  an  untamed  state  in  small  communities  on  the  banks  of 
these  rivers,  and  if  my  conjecture  be  correct,  it  may  be  that  the  fact  of  these 
Indians  still  holding  in  reverence  the  temples  built  by  their  ancestors,  and  mak¬ 
ing  offerings  of  incense,  has  lent  strength  to  the  story  which  for  many  years 
has  been  current  in  Central  America,  that  there  exists  an  inhabited  Indian  city 
hidden  away  in  the  forests,  and  still  flourishing  as  in  the  days  of  the  Conquest.” 
(Cf.  Stephens,  1841,  Vol.  II,  p.  195.) 

Sapper,  1891,  pp.  891,  894  :  “  Sie  pflegten  die  opferschalen  an  Ort  und  Stelle 
zuriickzulassen  und  als  ich  (am  21,  Juli  1891)  dieser  Ruinen  (Yaxchilan) 
besuchte,  fand  ich  aucli  wirklich  noch  zahlreiche  von  diesen  opferschalen  vor, 
wenngleich  zum  grossten  teil  zerbrochen.” 

1  These  ruins  are  of  much  importance,  and  I  hope  at  some  future  date  to  give 
a  more  extended  notice  of  them.  They  are  on  the  land  owned  by  the  Compania 
Romano. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LA  C A  N BONES 


83 


position,  but  had  probably  been  brought  in  from  its  place  in 
front  of  the  building  and  set  up  in  the  center  of  the  back  wall 
of  the  room  in  question.  The  bas-relief  represented  a  priestly 
character.  The  entire  room  showed  signs  of  the  burning 
of  incense,  as  the  walls  and  ceiling  were  completely  blackened. 

The  incense-burners  found  showed  signs  of  age.  They  were 
covered  for  the  most  part  with  a  deep  calcareous  deposit  often 
noted  on  the  walls  of  the  ruined  buildings.  Signs  of  paint 
still  remained,  and  this  was  in  most  cases  on  the  surface  of  the 
incrustation  of  lime,  showing  that,  in  all  probability,  the  incense- 
burners  were  allowed  to  remain  in  the  ruins  and  were  redeco¬ 
rated  from  time  to  time  when  they  were  employed  in  carrying 
out  a  religious  rite. 

The  temples  and  sculptures  in  each  of  the  ruined  cities  are 
supposed  to  have  been  made  by  the  early  ancestors  of  the  race. 
This  belief  is  common  among  the  Mayas  as  well  as  among  the 
Lacandones.  It  is  most  natural  therefore  that  the  natives 
should  visit  these  buildings  and  believe  them  to  be  inhabited 
by  the  gods  of  the  race. 

In  order  that  we  may  not  rely  too  strongly  on  this  fact  of 
pilgrimages  to  the  ruined  centers,  and  the  seeming  adoration 
of  certain  sculptured  figures  as  pointing  to  a  direct  connec¬ 
tion  between  the  old  and  new  cultures,  and,  furthermore,  as 
showing  the  continuity  of  the  whole,  I  will  suggest  another 
possible  explanation.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  nor  unnatural 
for  an  intruding  people  gradually  to  connect  unusual  natural 
features,  which  to  them  seem  unnatural  and  new,  with  their 
idea  of  the  supernatural.  This  does  not  necessarily  limit  itself 
to  natural  phenomena,  and  we  may  easily  imagine  that  on  the 
discovery  of  immense  structures  of  stone,  these  buildings 
would  appear,  as  far  as  they  were  concerned,  as  if  built  by  some 
supernatural  agency.  These  ruined  cities,  even  if  in  a  com¬ 
paratively  ruinous  condition,  might  well  have  been  gradually 
included  in  the  religious  conceptions  of  the  people,  so  that  the 
whole  system  of  their  mythology  would  come  in  time  to  be 
centered  around  the  ruined  stone  structures. 


84 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


Now  that  the  country  is  being  overrun  with  mahogany 
hunters,  the  Lacanclones  have  refrained  from  visiting  the  ruins 
lying  in  the  common  routes  of  travel  and  leaving  their  incense- 
burners,  as  those  deposited  in  the  past  have  either  been 
appropriated  or  destroyed  by  the  Mexican  visitors. 

These  incense-burners  are  used  by  the  Lacandones  in  their 
religious  ceremonies.  Each  family  or  group  of  connected  fami¬ 
lies  living  together  possesses  several  of  the  incense-burners  or 
braseros.  There  was  no  instance  noted  where  there  were  bra¬ 
seros  for  all  the  gods.  The  selection  and  number  of  the  idols 
and  incense-burners  depend  on  well-defined  rules,  which  will  be 
given  later  (p.  99).  In  one  encampment  there  were  forty  of 
the  sacred  ollas,  but  no  instance  was  observed  where  there  were 
the  large  number  recorded  by  Cogolludo.1 

The  incense-burner,  or  brasero  (PI.  XV,  Fig.  2),  is  a  combina¬ 
tion  of  a  bowl  for  burning  incense  with  a  grotesque  face  mask 
on  one  side  of  the  olla .2  They  are  made  of  native  clay  by  the 
Indians  who  use  them.  In  the  bowl,  on  the  edge  of  which  is 
the  head,  copal  is  burned,  and  on  the  protruding  lip  of  the  face 
offerings  of  food  and  drink  are  made  in  behalf  of  one  of  the 
gods. 

The  early  historians  speak  of  idols  of  wood  and  stone  as  well 
as  those  of  clay.  They  also  mention  the  incense- vessels  as  if 
they  wei'e  separate  from  the  idols.3 * * * * 8  It  seems  at  first  as  if  the 
ollas  which  we  have  described  have  a  double  function,  that  of 
an  idol  as  represented  by  the  grotesque  head  and  of  an  incense- 

1  Cogolludo,  1088,  Bk.  IX,  Chap.  XII,  p.  502:  “Gran  multitud  de  Idolos, 
tanto,  que  dize  el  Padre  Fuensalida,  que  parece  no  se  puede  contar,  porque  para 
cada  cosa,  que  sentian  tener  necessidad.” 

2  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  face  of  these  incense-burners  is  represented 

as  if  in  the  open  mouth  of  some  animal.  For  a  good  example  of  this  idea,  see 

Peiiafiel,  1890,  PI.  48,  Fig.  107.  For  a  discussion  of  this  point,  see  Seler, 

1895  and  1904,  p.  85.  Nadaillac  (1884,  p.  296)  pictures  a  vessel  which  shows  some 

similarity  to  the  common  form  of  incense-burner  of  the  Lacandones.  He 

describes  it  as  representing  the  head  of  a  priest  covered  with  human  skin. 

8  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XL,  p.  242  :  “  La  hazian  cada  ailo  y  demas  desto  reno- 
vavan  los  idolos  de  barro  y  sus  braseros,  ca  costumbre  era  tener  cada  idolo  un 
braserito  en  que  le  quemassen  su  encienso.” 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


85 


burner  as  shown  in  the  bowl.  This,  it  will  be  found,  is  in 
part  true. 

That  there  were  in  use  among  the  early  Mayas  of  Yucatan 
ollas  of  clay  identical  with  the  braseros,  or  incense-burners,  with 
the  grotesque  head  now  used  by  the  Lacandones,  is  probable 
from  a  description  of  some  idols  of  clay  used  at  Valladolid  in 
the  early  days  of  the  Spanish  occupation 1  as  well  as  a  few 
examples  found  in  connection  with  archeeological  work. 

Plate  XVI,  Fig.  1,  shows  a  small  incense  bowl  with  the  gro¬ 
tesque  head  upon  the  rim  of  the  olla.  This  is  from  the  ruins 
of  Labna,  and  shows  the  same  idea  as  is  seen  in  the  incense- 
burner  of  the  Lacandones  of  the  present  time,  that  of  a  bowl 
for  burning  incense  and  a  head  representing  a  god  of  some 
kind. 

Plate  XVI,  Fig.  2,  shows  an  incense-burner  from  the  Island  of 
Cozumel.2  This  is  a  very  interesting  specimen,  in  that,  instead 
of  the  large  lip  on  which  to  place  the  offering,  as  in  the  braseros 
of  the  Lacandones,  there  is  a  shelf-like  projection  below  the 
mouth  on  which  an  offering  of  some  sort  is  represented  in  clay. 

1  “Relaci6n  de  la  villa  de  Valladolid,  escrita  por  el  cabildo  de  aquella  ciudad 
por  mandado  de  su  Majestad  y  del  inuy  ilustre  Seilor  Don  Guillen  de  Las  Casas, 
Gobernador  y  Capitan  General,  Abril  de  1578,”  1881,  Vol.  II,  p.  185;  also  1900, 
Vol.  XIII,  pp.  27,  28  :  “Adoraban  unos  idolos  hechos  de  barro  a  manera  de 
jarrillos  y  de  macetas  de  albahaca,  hechos  en  ellos  de  la  parte  de  afuera  rostros 
desemejados,  quemaban  dentro  de  estos  una  resina  llamada  copal,  de  gran  oler. 
Esto  les  ofrecian  a  estos  idolos,  y  ellos  cortaban  en  muchas  partes  de  sus 
miembros  y  ofrecian  aquella  sangre.  .  .  .  Para  estos  sacrifices  y  sus  areytos 
usaban  beber  y  emborracharse  con  un  vino  que  ellos  hacian  de  una  corteza  de  un 
arbol  que  Hainan  baleze  y  miel  y  agua.” 

Also  p.  178  (1881)  and  p.  19  (1900) :  “Tenian  sus  idolos  en  la  casa  de  arriba 
hechos  de  barro,  de  la  forma  de  macetas  de  albahaca,  muy  bocadeadas,  con  sus 
pies  y  en  ellos  hechos  rostros  mal  ajestados  y  disformes  de  inalas  cataduras, 
echaban  dentro  de  este  idolo  una  resina  que  Hainan  copal  a  manera  de  incienso, 
y  esta  reverencia  ofrendaban  y  quemaban  que  daba  de  si  muy  gran  oler,  y  con 
esto  hacen  contino  sus  ritos,  ceremonias  y  adoraciones.” 

Also,  “  Relacion  de  los  pueblos  de  Popola,  y  Sinsimato  y  Samiol,”  1900,  Vol. 
XIII,  pp.  44,  45:  “Usaban  de  adorar  unos  jarrillos  hechos  en  ellos  rostros  de¬ 
semejados,  teniendolos  por  sus  ydolos  quemavan  dentro  y  ofresian  una  rresina 
llamada  copal  ques  como  trementina  elada,  de  gran  oler,  y  se  cortavan  en 
muchas  partes  para  ofrecer  la  sangre  a  aquel  ydolo.” 

2  This  specimen  was  collected  by  Mr.  E.  H.  Thompson. 


86 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DON  NS 


The  band  encircling  the  upper  part  of  the  bowl  may  well  rep¬ 
resent  one  of  the  bands  of  bark  similar  to  those  placed  around 
the  rims  of  the  incense-burners  of  the  Lacandones  as  offerings 
to  the  gods  before  they  are  tied  around  the  heads  of  the  partici¬ 
pants  in  the  rites  (p.  129).  This  specimen  has  three  holes  in 
the  bottom. 

Plate  XVI,  Fig.  8,  shows  an  incense-burner  of  the  bowl  variety1 
which  seems  to  be  a  transition  form.  In  place  of  the  head  we 
find  a  conventionalized  representation.  The  five  knobs  of  clay 
above  that  which  seems  to  stand  for  the  head  is  a  conventional¬ 
ized  method  of  representing  the  hair.  This  same  idea  is  seen 
in  a  modern  incense-burner  collected  by  the  writer  in  Chiapas 
(PI.  XVI,  Fig.  5).  It  is  an  entirely  different  type  from  those 
usually  seen.  The  face  constitutes  a  part  of  the  jar  itself,  and 
the  hair  is  represented  by  the  five  knob-like  bits  of  clay  on  the 
edge  of  the  bowl.  In  the  incense- vessel  from  the  Hondo  River 
these  knobs  are  on  the  front  rather  than  on  the  rim  of  the  bowl. 
There  are  five  in  each  case,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
they  represent  the  hair  shown  in  the  usual  form  of  brasero  of 
the  Lacandones  by  vertical  pieces  of  clay  painted  alternately 
red  and  black  (PI.  XV,  Fig.  2). 

Plate  XVI,  Fig.  4,  shows  another  brasero  from  the  Hondo 
River.  In  this  the  conventionalized  head  is  seen  as  in  the 
former  incense-burner  from  the  same  locality.  The  represen¬ 
tation  of  the  hair  by  the  five  knob-like  projections  has  been 
enlarged  into  an  ornamentation  for  the  entire  rim  of  the  bowl. 

We  thus  find  these  different  types  of  incense-burners  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  older  culture  period  of  Yucatan  and  the  country  to 
the  south,  together  with  modern  examples  which  agree  with 
them  more  or  less  perfectly. 

The  greater  part  of  the  incense-vessels  found  in  the  ruins  of 
Yucatan  and  throughout  the  other  regions  of  Maya  culture 
contain  no  trace  of  the  head.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  which  is 
the  older  form,  the  simple  plate  or  bowl  for  burning  incense  or 

1  This  bowl  is  from  the  vicinity  of  the  Hondo  River  on  the  boundary  of  Yuca¬ 
tan  and  British  Honduras.  The  specimen  is  now  in  the  Peabody  Museum. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


87 


the  bowl  combined  with  some  form  of  head.  If  we  consider  the 
type  of  bowl  with  the  knob-like  projection  as  a  transition  form, 
we  are  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  most  primitive  form  of 
incense-burner  was  the  bowl  on  which  was  represented  the 
whole  body  at  first,1  and  then  the  head  of  a  person  or  animal. 
This  form  of  brasero  is  found  in  many  parts  of  Mexico. 

Among  the  isolated  Mayas  of  Chiapas  and  the  south,  the 
original  form  of  the  incense-burner  with  the  head  may  have 
survived,2  whereas,  in  Yucatan,  the  olla  with  the  head  had,  for 
the  most  part,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  given  way  first  to 
the  conventionalized  head  and  then  to  its 
disappearance  altogether.  This  is  simply 
given  as  a  hypothesis  and  is  worthy  of 
extended  investigation. 

It  has  been  found  that  the  idol  proper, 
the  stone  image  as  representing  the  god, 
still  exists  among  the  Lacandcnes.  Fig¬ 
ure  24  shows  one  of  these  idols.  It  is  of 
jade.  These  idols  are  placed  inside  the 
incense-bowls  and  over  them  the  incense 
is  burned.3  Collections  of  jade  ornaments 
contain  many  figures  which,  without  doubt, 
were  formerly  used  as  idols  in  the  same  manner  as  those  found 
to-day  among  the  Lacan dones.  Mr.  Maler  reports  a  collection 
of  jade  ornaments  taken  from  a  mound  near  Merida  by  one 
Rafael  Quintero  and  finally  given  to  a  General  Gonzalez  of 
Mexico.  There  were  five  idols  of  jade  which  showed  signs  of 
fire  and  from  the  same  excavation  some  jade  medallions  or 

1  Cf.  PI.  XVII,  Pig.  1,  and  also  a  vessel  from  the  Isla  de  Mugeres  pictured  in 
Salisbury,  1878,  PI.  I,  Pig.  4. 

2  Plate  XVII,  Fig.  5,  shows  the  most  elaborate  type  of  incense-burners  found 
among  the  Lacandones.  The  two  specimens  of  this  type  seen  did  not  con¬ 
tain  the  head,  but  each  clearly  showed  where  it  had  once  been.  From  appear¬ 
ances  the  head  was  evidently  much  smaller  in  proportion  to  the  bowl  than 
those  of  the  usual  form.  We  may  find  in  this  a  sign  of  the  coming  disappear¬ 
ance  of  the  head. 

3  Figure  25,  p.  88,  from  the  Codex  Tro-Cortesianus,  may  intend  to  show  an 
idol  inside  an  olla. 


Fig.  24. 

Jade  head  used  as  idol  by 
the  Lacandones. 


88 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DON  ES 


breastplates  showing  no  traces  of  ever  having  been  in  contact 
with  fire. 

These  idols  of  the  Lacandones  are  sometimes  of  stone  other 
than  jade.  They  all  are  guarded  with  the  greatest  secrecy. 
They  have  been  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation, 
and  are  believed,  originally,  to  have  come  each  from  the  home 


of  the  respective  god  whom  it  repre¬ 
sents. 


An  ancestor  of  the  family  is  sup¬ 
posed  to  have  made  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  home  of  each  god,  and  there 
obtained  the  carved  stone,  an  image 
of  the  god.  There  is  therefore  the 
strongest  feeling  for  the  gods  of  the 
family,  although  new  idols  are  made 
from  time  to  time.  Now,  as  it  was 


Fig.  25. 

Tro-Cort.  100,  d. 


explained,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  obtain  a  carved  stone  as 
representing  a  god  whose  presence  is  desired  in  the  encamp¬ 
ment,  but  the  pilgrimage  must  be  made,  and  a  stone,  usually 
nothing  more  than  a  pebble,  is  brought  back  from  the  home 
of  the  god  and  placed  in  the  incense-burner.1 

The  Lacandones  of  the  present  time,  judging  from  their  utter 
lack  of  artistic  skill  and  execution  as  seen  in  the  decoration  of 
their  gourds  and  other  religious  utensils,  as  well  as  in  the  mod¬ 
eling  of  their  braseros,  are  practically  incapable  of  fashioning 
any  images  in  stone.2  Consequently,  when  an  entirely  new 
idol  is  desired,  a  stone  is  employed  with  little  or  no  artificial 
shaping.  In  one  instance,  in  place  of  the  usual  incense-burners, 
pieces  of  un worked  stone  about  eight  inches  square  were  used 

1  When  one  of  these  journeys  is  made,  an  incense-burner  of  a  smaller  size  and 
containing  no  idol  is  taken  and  left  as  an  offering  to  the  god  in  question.  Mr. 
Maler  (1901-1903,  p.  123)  tells  of  finding  three  new  incense-burners  in  one  of 
the  rooms  in  the  ruins  of  Yaxchilan.  Compare  also  references  to  finding  incense- 
burners  in  the  ruins  (p.  81,  note  3). 

2  The  serpentine  figure  pictured  by  Maler  (1901-1903,  p.  92)  from  Budsilha 
may  be  an  attempt  at  carving  by  one  of  the  early  Lacandones.  Other  crude 
figures  and  faces  in  stone  often  seen  in  collections  may  show  attempts  at  manu¬ 
facturing  these  idols  even  down  to  the  present  time. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


89 


on  which  to  burn  the  incense.  These  had  been  brought  from 
the  ruins  of  Yaxchilan.  They  seemed  to  be  more  in  the  nature 
of  incense-burners  than  of  idols. 

A  renewal  of  the  incense-burners  takes  place  at  frequent  in¬ 
tervals,  and  the  idols  of  stone  are  then  taken  from  the  old  and 
placed  in  the  new  ollas.  We  do  not  encounter  these  idols  in 
the  ruins  at  the  present  time  as  we  do  the  incense-burners. 
The  latter  which  are  found  are  either  “  dead,”  and  thus  have 
had  the  stone  removed,  or  they  are  in  the  nature  of  servants 
who  are  supposed  to  carry  out  the  demands  of  the  gods,  and 
these  never  contain  the  stone  (p.  87). 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  idol  proper  is  deposited  inside 
the  brasero,  this  latter  in  itself  has  a  twofold  function,  that  of 
idol  and  bowl  for  burning  incense.  It  is  to  the  head  on  the  olla 
that  the  offerings  are  made  in  behalf  of  the  god  represented  by 
the  idol  behind  and  inside  the  bowl.  The  grotesque  head  of 
clay  is  an  idol  in  itself,  in  that  it  is  a  representation  of  a  god  of 
a  much  inferior  capacity,  whose  duty  it  is  to  carry  the  offerings 
to  the  main  deity  to  whom  he  is  dependent.  In  the  rite  where 
the  incense-burners  are  renewed,  there  are  also  made  a  large 
number  of  smaller  ollas  of  the  same  shape  as  the  larger  ones,  but 
not  containing  any  stone  as  representing  a  god.  This  is  the 
class  of  ollas  that  are  usually  found  in  the  ruins.  They  are  in 
the  nature  of  offerings  to  the  gods,  to  aid  them  in  carrying  out 
their  demands  (PI.  XVIII,  Fig.  2). 

For  convenience,  I  shall  call  the  large  ollas  containing  the 
idols  of  stone  braseros,  the  term  used  by  Landa,  and  the  smaller 
incense-burners  braseritos.  Each  of  the  latter  belongs  to  a  cer¬ 
tain  one  of  the  gods  represented  by  the  idols  in  the  larger  ollas. 

The  Lacandones  do  not,  as  far  as  my  observation  has  gone, 
possess  idols  of  wood  or  clay  objects  which  might  be  taken  for 
idols  other  then  the  heads  on  the  braseros. 

Plate  XV,  Fig.  2,  shows  one  of  the  braseritos ,  the  head  of  which 
is  much  larger  in  proportion  to  the  whole  than  are  the  heads  on 
the  bowls  of  the  larger  size.  The  olla  represented  is  five  inches 
across  and  three  inches  high.  More  often  they  are  larger, 


90 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


measuring  seven  inches  in  diameter  and  five  inches  in  height.1 
The  red  and  black  stripes  on  the  top  of  the  head  and  below  the 
mouth  represent  the  hair  and  beard  respectively.  The  lines 
of  the  same  two  colors  on  the  front  of  the  bowl  are  counter¬ 
parts  of  the  decoration  supposed  to  exist  on  the  dress  of  the  god. 
The  raised  red  spot  on  the  forehead  between  the  eyes  and  the 
short  line  above  and  below  the  eyes  have  their  counterpart  in 
the  painting  of  the  face  of  the  participants  in  certain  of  the 
ceremonies  (p.  141).  No  explanation  could  be  obtained  for 
these  markings  nor  for  the  red-and-black  star  on  either  side  of 
the  mouth,  other  than  that  the  latter  were  the  cheek  bones  of 
the  god.  The  ears  are  shown  as  protruding  spots  at  either  side 
of  the  face,  and  are  painted  black,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  a 
small  hole.  The  large  and  prominent  nose  is  painted  black  on 
the  end,  and  has  two  large  elongated  slits  as  nostrils.  In  many 
of  the  braseros  the  teeth  are  shown  and  are  painted  alternately 
red  and  black. 

The  decoration  of  both  the  brasero  and  braserito  is  in  general 
the  same.  The  differences  are  very  slight.  In  the  painting  of 
the  smaller  class  some  have  red  and  black  lines  crossing  the 
vertical  ones  in  front  of  the  bowl.  These  .with  the  cross  lines 
are  regarded  as  female  in  sex. 

Among  the  Lacandones  who  live  to  the  south  and  east  of 
Yaxchilan,  there  is  a  slightly  different  type  of  incense-burner 
(PI.  XVII,  Fig.  2).  The  eyes  differ  from  those  of  the  Petha 
type  (Fig.  26).  The  nostrils  are  round  dots  rather  than  slits 
and  the  mouth  is  very  small.  The  forehead  elevation  is 
lacking.2 

There  is  another  type  (PI.  XVII,  Figs.  2  and  3)  from  east 
and  south  Yaxchilan  differing  in  the  arrangement  of  the  upper 

1  The  largest  that  was  seen  measured  6  inches  in  height  to  the  top  of  the  howl. 
The  height  to  the  top  of  the  head  was  9J  inches.  The  diameter  of  the  bowl  was 
8|  inches. 

2  Charnay  (1887,  p.  443)  notes  finding  incense-burners  of  the  two  forms  in 
the  ruins  of  Yaxchilan,  and  he  states  that  the  difference  of  type  may  point  to 
two  different  races.  As  I  have  before  noted,  this  difference  may  coincide  with  a 
difference  noted  in  painting  the  face  and  in  the  use  of  certain  gods. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


91 


part  of  the  head  from  that  just  described.  In  place  of  the  con¬ 
ventional  arrangement  of  the  hair,  there  is  a  rope  effect. 

There  is  still  another  type  of  brasero  among  the  Lacandones. 
This  is  composed  of  a  larger  bowl  (PI.  XVII,  Fig.  5),  with  a 
design  similar  to  that  seen  on  one  of  the  gourds  (PI.  XXI, 
Fig.  1).  On  the  one  pictured  the  head  is  gone,  but  one  similar 
in  decoration  seen 
in  a  settlement  of 
Lacandones  on  the 
Lacantun  River 
had  a  head  very 
much  smaller  in 
proportion  to  the 
size  of  the  bowl 
than  those  of  the 
regular  Petha 
type. 

The  Lacandones 
assert  that  in  for¬ 
mer  times  the  in¬ 
cense-burners  were 
made  in  other 
forms,  some  pos¬ 
sessing  arms  and  legs.  These  are  seldom  made  or  used  now. 

In  one  of  the  encampments,  small  animals  made  of  clay  were 
noted  (PI.  XIX,  Fig.  1).  One  of  these  had  on  its  back  a 
minute  bowl  for  holding  copal.  This  was  never  used  in  any  of 
the  rites  and  seemed  to  serve  as  a  plaything  for  the  children. 
It  may  well  have  been  a  degraded  survival  of  the  time  when 
animals  made  of  clay  were  offered  to  the  gods  as  sacrifices. 

Plate  XIX,  Fig.  2,  shows  one  of  the  braseritos  identical  in 
shape  with  the  larger  varieties,  but  used  by  the  children  in  learn¬ 
ing  the  sequences  of  the  religious  rites  and  the  chants  employed 
before  the  idols  and  incense-burners. 

As  belonging  to  the  gods  themselves,  the  braseros  are  kept 
with  great  care  and  observance.  In  every  collection  of  huts 


Fig.  26. 

Incense-burner  of  the  Lacandones. 


92 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


there  is  always  one  which  is  larger  than  the  others.  This  is 
used  exclusively  for  the  observances  of  the  rites  in  behalf  of 
the  gods. 1  The  domestic  and  religious  life  of  the  Lacandones 
are  always  carried  on  in  separate  places.  The  sacred  hut  has 
its  own  fire  and  its  own  utensils,  which  are  exclusively  used  for 
the  celebration  of  the  religious  observances.  To  bring  any 
food  into  the  domestic  hut  renders  it  unfit  to  be  offered  to  the 
gods.  Great  secrecy  and  privacy  in  regard  to  the  rites  inside 
the  sacred  hut,  together  with  its  contents,  are  carefully  ob¬ 
served.  In  many  settlements  this  hut  is  surrounded  by  a 
screen  of  palm  leaves  to  protect  it  from  the  prying  eyes  of 
the  occasional  Mexican  visitor.  Sometimes  when  there  are 
important  rites  in  progress  all  the  trails  leading  to  the  settle¬ 
ment  are  stopped  up  with  underbrush.  Any  attempt  at 
approach  to  the  sacred  inclosure  is  absolutely  denied  the 
outsider.2 

It  seems  to  be  an  especially  bad  omen  if  the  sight  of  any  of 
the  braseros  is  obtained  by  a  foreigner.  With  difficulty  one 
may  induce  the  Indians  to  talk  about  their  gods  when  admis¬ 
sion  to  the  sacred  hut  or  any  approach  to  it  would  be  denied 
even  at  a  time  when  there  is  no  rite  in  progress. 

Outwardly,  the  hermita ,  or  house  of  the  idols,  is  the  same  as 
the  domestic  habitation  (PI.  VIII,  Figs.  1,  2,  and  8).  It  is 
thatched  with  palm  leaves  which  come  down  very  low,  thus 
affording  an  effective  screen  to  the  interior  of  the  hut,  as  there 
are  no  sides.  The  two  ends  are  entirely  open,  and  it  is  around 
these  that  the  tall  fence  of  palm  leaves  is  huilt  if  they  point 

1  Cf.  Villagutierre,  1701,  Bk.  IV,  Chap.  XIV,  p.  264:  “  Y  la  otra  (casa)  aun 
mas  grande,  que  todas  las  otras,  era  el  Adoratorio  de  los  perversos  Idolos  de 
aquellos  Lacandones,  donde  se  liallaron  muchos  de  ellos,  de  formas  raras.” 

2  Cf.  Sapper,  1897,  p.  263:  “In  der  Cariben-Ansiedelung  am  Pet  Ha  dagegen 
wurde  mir  der  Zugang  zur  Ermita  verwehrt ;  meine  Fiihrer  aber  besucliten  die- 
selbe  unbemerkt  und  machten  mir  eine  Besclireibung  davon,  welche  im  Allge- 
meinen  init  rneinen  friiheren  Erfahrungen  von  Izan  zusammenstimmte.” 

Also  ibid.,  p.  265:  “Aber  scheue  Geschopfe,  die  jeden  Versuch,  liber  ihrer 
Religion  zu  sprechen  (so  weit  ihr  selir  gebrochenes  Spanisch  so  etwas  iiberkaupt 
gestatten  -wurde),  mit  grosser  Entschiedenheit  zurtickwiesen. ” 

Also  Sapper,  1891,  pp.  892-895. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


93 


toward  a  path  or  trail  by  which  the  Mexicans  are  likely  to 
approach  the  encampment.  The  house  is  oblong,  with  the  long 
sides  to  the  east  and  west. 

The  list  of  gods  found  existing  among  the  Lacandones  of  the 
present  time  numbers  fifteen.  This  list  is  by  no  means  ex¬ 
haustive.  No  collection  of  idols  in  any  one  community  repre¬ 
sents  all  the  gods,  but  only  those  who  have  shown  themselves  as 
well  disposed  toward  the  people  among  whom  they  are  to  exist. 

The  major  deity  among  the  natives  of  Chiapas  is  called 
NohotSakyum  (the  great  father).  The  same  god,  called  Nohoti- 
yumtiak,  is  found  to-day  among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan.  He 
is  one  of  a  class  of  spirits  dependent  only  on  El  G-ran  Dios , 
introduced  by  the  Spaniards.  NohotSakyum  is  at  the  head  of 
Lacandone  pantheon.  It  is  to  him  that  the  greatest  rever¬ 
ence  is  paid.  Two  flowers,  tiaknikte  ( Plumeria  rubra )  and 
saknikt.fi  ( Plumeria  alba ),  are  considered  the  father  and  mother 
respectively  of  NohotSakyum.  These  two  flowers  are  used  in 
some  of  the  rites,  one  of  each  kind  being  placed  on  the  mouth  of 
the  brasero  containing  the  idol  of  NohotSakyum.  In  the  prayers 
given  before  the  idols,  the  other  and  lesser  deities  are  invoked 
to  come  and  carry  the  sacrifices  offered  and  present  them  to 
“  the  great  lord.”  His  power  is  wholly  beneficent.  He  does 
not  use  it  at  all  times,  however,  but  withdraws  it  and  denies  it 
as  he  sees  fit.  The  method  of  ascertaining  whether  or  not  a 
god  is  willing  to  have  himself  represented  by  an  idol  and 
brasero  in  any  encampment  will  be  described  later  (p.  99). 
NohotSakyum  of  the  Lacandones  lives  at  the  ruins  of  Yaxchilan. 
The  Lacandones  of  Lake  Petha  stated  that  NohotSakyum  lived 
near  Anaite.  Now  Anaite  is  a  short  distance  south  of  the 
Usumacinta  River,  about  midway  between  Piedras  Negras  and 
Yaxchilan  or  Menche.  The  location  of  the  homes  of  the  gods 
given  by  the  Petha  Lacandones  was  only  in  general  terms. 
The  direction  “  near  Anaite  ”  may  well  be  either  the  ruins  at 
Piedras  Negras  to  the  north  or  those  of  Yaxchilan  to  the  south. 
It  is  stated  that  there  are  ruins  at  the  home  of  NohotSakyum. 
Later,  however,  in  a  settlement  much  nearer  the  vicinity  of  the 


94 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


ruins  themselves,  it  was  definitely  stated  that  NohotSakyum  and 
many  of  the  other  gods  inhabited  the  ruins  of  Yaxchilan. 
This  city  is  in  an  easterly  direction  from  the  encampment  near 
Lake  Petha,  where  most  of  the  observations  were  made.  More¬ 
over,  the  spirits  of  the  east,  Yalanqinqu,  are  regarded  as  the 
servants  of  this  main  god.  The  sun  itself  occupies  an  inferior 
place  in  the  pantheon.  It  is  regarded  as  a  servant  ready  to 
carry  out  the  commands  of  his  master,  Nohot&akyum.  Many  of 
the  constellations  and  the  spirit  of  the  thunder  are  regarded  as 
other  servants  of  “the  great  lord.”  It  is  supposed  that  at  the 
end  of  the  world  NohotSakyum  will  wear  around  his  waist  as  a 
belt  the  body  of  Hapikern,  a  very  bad  spirit  in  the  form  of  a 
snake,  who  draws  people  to  him  by  his  breath  and  slays  them. 

Nohotsakyum  has  a  daughter  called  Ertub  (the  little  one)  or 
Upal  (Ids  child).  She  lives  at  Yaxchilan  in  the  same  locality 
as  her  father.  He  also  has  several  sons.  None  of  them  are 
represented  in  any  of  the  collections  of  idols  in  any  of  the  en¬ 
campments  visited  by  the  writer,  and  their  names  have  not 
been  made  out. 

NohotSakyum  is  one  of  four  brothers.  Yantho  is  the  oldest 
of  the  four  and  seems  to  rank  as  second  in  importance  to 
Nohotsakyum.  His  home  is  on  the  Usu'macinta  River  near 
Tenosique,  in  some  high  cliffs.1  He  has  the  spirit  of  the  north, 
Samanqinqu,  associated  with  him  in  his  work,  and  his  home  is 
situated  in  the  north  in  respect  to  the  country  occupied  by  the 
Lacandones.  Among  the  Lacandones  on  the  Lacantun  River, 
the  god  Yantho  is  said  to  belong  to  another  part,  and  in  a  few 
other  cases  there  seems  to  be  a  distinction  made  in  regard  to 
the  gods  between  the  natives  around  Lake  Petha  and  eastward 
of  Ocosingo  and  those  on  the  Salinas  and  Lacantun.  This  is  a 
question  on  which  it  will  be  necessary  to  have  much  more 
material  before  we  can  decide  with  any  definiteness.  It  may, 
as  I  have  stated  before,  point  to  a  time  when  the  Lacandones 
were  not  as  homogeneous  as  they  now  appear  to  be. 

1  Undoubtedly  the  cliffs  are  those  at  Boca  del  Cerro.  See  Maler,  1901-1903, 
PL  I. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


95 


The  second  brother,  according  to  age,  is  called  Usukun,  which 
in  Maya  means  his  older  brother.  He  is  thus  named  in  respect 
to  Nohotsakyum.  This  god  lives  in  a  cave.  He  has  the  earth¬ 
quake,  Kisin,  as  his  servant,  and  is  not  of  good  intention.  His 
idol  is  usually  found,  however,  in  every  collection  of  the  sacred 
ollas ,  but  it  is  always  placed  apart  from  the  rest,  as  if  its 
presence  would  be  harmful  when  in  the  vicinity  of  the  braseros 
of  the  other  gods.  The  idol  of  Usukun  is  not  neglected,  however, 
but  it  is  placated  with  offerings  of  food  and  drink  as  are  those 
of  the  other  gods. 

The  younger  brother  of  Nohotgakyum  is  called  Uyioin.  This 
word  has  the  meaning  “his  younger  brother.”  He  lives  at 
Yaxcliilan  in  company  with  the  gods  who  make  that  place 
their  residence.  His  power  is  always  for  the  good. 

It  is  probable  that  the  four  brothers  are  identified  with  the 
four  cardinal  points,  with  NohotSakyum  representing  the  east 
(yalanqin)  as  the  leader.  Yantho  is  clearly  associated  with  the 
north  (Samanqin).  A  god  called  Mensabak  seems  to  be  identi¬ 
fied  with  the  west  (tSiqin)  rather  than  either  of  the  two  other 
brothers.  The  god  associated  with  the  south  (noholqin)  has 
not  been  made  out.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  four  brothers 
are  the  same  as  the  four  Nukutsyumtgakob  found  existing 
among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  (p.  155). 

Next  in  importance  to  the  four  brothers  is  the  goddess  Akna 
(the  mother).  She  is  considered  the  mother  of  certain  of  the 
lesser  gods  as  Nohotsakyum  is  the  father  of  many  of  the  gods. 
The  exact  relation  existing  between  him  and  Akna  has  not  been 
satisfactorily  made  out.  Akna  is  the  goddess  of  childbirth. 
Prayers  and  offerings  are  made  especially  to  her  on  the  birth 
of  a  child.  When  serving  in  this  capacity  she  is  called  istsel. 
This  is  the  same  deity  mentioned  by  the  early  authorities  as 
goddess  of  medicine  and  of  childbirth. 

The  latter  has  a  husband  called  AqantSob1  or  TSitsaktSob. 

1  The  literal  meaning  of  this  name  is  the  squint-eyed  one  (tSob)  crying  aloud 

(aqan). 


96 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


Lancia1  mentions  that  in  the  year  whose  dominical  letter  was 
Cauac,  in  order  to  avert  certain  calamities,  idols  were  made  to 
the  demonios ,  one  of  whom  was  called  “Chichak-chob.”2  Among 
the  Lacandones  AqantSob  or  Tsitsaktsob  is  one  of  the  favoring 
deities.  Both  he  and  his  consort,  Akna,  live  at  Yaxcliilan. 

A  god  named  ioana  lives  also  at  Yaxcliilan.  The  similarity 
of  the  name  of  this  god  with  that  of  itzamna,  also  written 
Zamna,  one  of  the  culture  heroes  of  the  Mayas,  is  very  striking. 
In  the  Lacandone  pantheon,  neither  the  position  of  Ioana  nor 
that  of  another  god  called  Ioananohqu  points  to  any  close  con¬ 
nection  between  them  and  the  itzamna  of  old,  as  they  both 
occupy  places  far  inferior  to  that  of  NohotSakyum  and  his  three 
brothers.  In  one  settlement  Ioana  was  said  to  be  the  caretaker 
of  the  underworld,  but  he  seems  in  no  way  to  be  connected  with 
the  idea  of  death. 

We  thus  find  in  many  of  the  names  given  to  the  gods  of  the 
Lacandones  survivals  of  names  stated  by  the  early  historians  as 
the  names  of  the  gods  of  the  Mayas  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest. 
In  only  a  few  cases,  however,  do  the  attributes  of  a  god  remain 
unchanged. 

The  name  of  the  other  culture  hero  of  the  early  natives  of  Yu¬ 
catan.  Ququlcan  (written  Kulkulcan),  is  still  retained  among  the 
Lacandones  as  the  name  of  a  mythical  snake  with  many  heads, 
living  only  in  the  vicinity  of  the  home  of  Noliotgakyum.  This 
snake  is  killed  and  eaten  only  at  the  time  of  great  national  peril, 
as  during  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  and  especially  that  of  the  sun. 

In  a  high  cliff  on  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Petha,  there  lives 
the  god  ioananohqu,  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  lake  the 
diety  called  Kakots.  The  home  of  the  former  is  the  only  one 
that  has  been  located  precisely.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  abode  of  the  god  was  visited  in  company  with  some  Indians 
who  went  there  to  burn  copal  and  offer  sacrifices.  The  rite  in 
connection  with  this  will  be  described  later  (p.  148). 

1  Landa,  1804,  Chap.  XXXVIII,  p.  230. 

2  This  word  written  according  to  the  system  adopted  by  the  writer  would  be 
Tgitgaktgob. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LA  CA  N DONE 8 


97 


The  god  named  Qaq  (fire)  lives  near  Tenosique.  Among  the 
early  Mayas  there  was  a  goddess  called  Suhuikak  (virgin  fire). 
This  god  of  the  Lacandones  may  be  connected  with  her,  as  new 
fire  has  to  be  made  at  certain  points  in  the  various  rites  (p.  133). 

Kananqas  (caretaker  of  the  forest)  lives  near  the  monteria  of 
San  Hipolito,  a  few  leagues  north  of  Petha.  As  his  name  im¬ 
plies,  he  seems  to  be  the  god  of  the  forest.  There  is  a  class  of 
spirits  in  Yucatan  bearing  the  same  name.  They  are  the  gods 
of  the  woods.  What  is  found  as  the  name  of  a  single  god 
among  the  Lacandones  often  appears  as  the  name  of  a  class  of 
spirits  among  the  Mayas  of  the  present  time.  This  latter  idea 
is  perhaps  the  outgrowth  of  the  Spanish  influence  to  bring  about 
a  subordination  of  the  Maya  gods  to  the  many  saints  of  the 
Catholic  Church. 

Mensabak  1  lives  near  San  Hipolito.  He  is  probably  identi¬ 
fied  as  the  god  of  rain,  as  has  been  explained  (p.  71).  He  is 
also  called  'STumkanasabak.1 2  The  latter  name  seems  to  be  used 
when  he  is  appealed  to  in  behalf  of  a  sick  person.  Just  as 
NohotSakyum  has  the  spirits  of  the  east  to  aid  him,  so  Mensabak 
has  for  his  helpers  the  spirits  of  the  west  (TSiqinqu).  He  has  a 
brother  called  Dibani,  of  whom  there  is  little  known. 

Nohqu  is  a  god  living  at  Yaxchilan.  The  same  name  is  found 
in  combination  in  the  name  of  the  god  ioananohqu.  They  are 
probably  two  distinct  gods  however.  Nohqu  is  a  name  given  to 
a  class  of  spirits  among  the  Mayas  who  are  the  guardians  of 
the  milpa. 

Qaiyum  (singing  god)  is  the  god  of  music,  and  his  brasero  is 
always  in  the  form  of  an  earthen  drum  (PI.  XX,  Fig.  2).  He 
is  said  to  live  in  the  sky. 

S&kapuk  is  a  god  of  unknown  attributes.  His  name  means 
a  hill  of  white  earth,  which  may  denote  the  character  of  the 
locality  near  Anaite,  where  the  god  lives. 

1  The  literal  meaning  of  this  word  is  men,  the  maker  of,  and  sabak,  black 
powder  or  soot. 

2  The  literal  meaning  would  be  yum,  the  god ;  kana,  above ;  sabak,  the 
black  powder.  Freely  it  is  the  god  who  is  above  the  rain  cloud. 


98 


MAYAS  AND  LAC  AN  BONES 


There  is  a  god  of  the  bees.1 

It  seems  as  if  there  were  separate  ideas  among  the  different 
settlements  of  the  Lacandones  regarding  the  residence  of  the 
gods  other  than  the  few  most  important  ones.  That  each  en¬ 
campment  had  its  own  special  gods  in  addition  to  a  few  pos¬ 
sessed  in  common,  seems  probable.  In  a  settlement  visited  on 


the  Lacantun,  Icananorku,  Kakots, 
Sukapuk,  and  Mensabak  were  not 
found,  although  their  names  were 
recognized. 


Besides  the  main  deities,  there 
are  a  large  number  of  lesser  gods 
or  spirits  whose  duty  it  is  to  aid  the 
gods  in  carrying  out  their  work. 
Stabai  is  the  name  of  a  class  of 
spirits  living  in  the  stones  of  the 
forest.  The  same  group  of  spirits 


Fig.  27. 

Tro-Cort.  104,  b. 


is  also  now  found  in  Yucatan.  They  are  of  evil  nature.  A 
god  called  Tabai  without  the  female  particle  §  is  mentioned  as 
a  deity  of  the  Mayas  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  This  is  but 
another  example  of  the  fact  of  the  survival  of  the  name  of  the 
god  to  the  present  time  with  a  change  of  attributes. 

Tanupekqu  (the  spirit  who  is  moving)  is  the  god  of  the 
thunder.  He  announces  the  approach  of  the  rain.  As  has 
been  stated,  lie  is  one  of  the  servants  of  Nohotsakyum. 

Tanuhaoqu  (the  spirit  who  is  striking  or  whipping)  is  the  god 
of  the  lightning.  He  drives  the  storm,  and  the  flash  of  the 
lightning  is  His  whip. 

The  sun,  Qin,  is  one  of  the  lesser  gods.  His  consort  is  the 
moon,  called  Akna.  She  has  no  relation  to  the  other  goddess 
bearing  the  same  name.  When  there  is  an  eclipse  of  the  sun, 
it  is  said  that  Nohotsakyum  is  ill.  Rites  are  held  and  offerings 
are  made  to  the  gods.2  Every  one  abstains  from  secular  work 

1  Figure  27  shows  a  rite,  probably  an  offering  of  corn  (kan)  in  some  form  in 
honor  of  the  bee  god.  In  Codex  Tro-Cortesianus,  pp.  103-112,  there  is  a  long 
portion  which  has  to  do  with  the  bees. 

2  The  rite  does  not  differ  from  those  which  will  be  described.  See  ChantNo.  2. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


99 


of  all  kinds,  and  each  family  remains  in  their  own  home  during 
the  period  of  an  eclipse.  All  kinds  of  animals  may  be  freely 
eaten.  An  eclipse  of  the  moon  is  a  less  serious  event.  It  is 
regarded  as  a  sign  that  the  daughter  of  Nohotgakyum  is  ill.  A 
rite  (Chant  No.  2)  is  celebrated  as  in  the  case  of  an  eclipse  of 
the  sun.  I  was  not  successful  in  finding  a  god  whose  office 
seemed  to  deal  with  death,  although  it  is  certain  that  this  god 
of  death  played  a  most  important  part  among  the  early  Mayas, 
as  seen  in  his  constantly  occurring  figure  in  the  manuscripts. 
It  is  not  impossible  that  some  of  the  gods  of  the  Lacandones 
may  be  identified  with  those  represented  in  the  Codices. 

The  gods  are  all  more  or  less  well  disposed  toward  the  people 
with  the  exception  of  Usukun.  All  have  to  be  propitiated  in 
various  ways,  however,  or  they  are  supposed  to  send  fevers 
and  other  forms  of  sickness.  ' 

All  the  gods  named  in  the  previous  list  are  not  usually  rep¬ 
resented  in  any  one  encampment.  Only  those  are  found  to 
whose  shrine  a  pilgrimage  has  been  made  and  a  stone  either 
carved  or  otherwise  brought  back.1  These  journeys  cannot 
be  made  at  will,  but  only  after  the  god  has  shown  himself  as 
willing  to  receive  such  a  pilgrimage. 

There  are  two  methods  of  divination  by  which  it  may  be 
ascertained  whether  or  not  a  god  is  willing  to  have  his  idol 
placed  in  the  sacred  hut,  thus  showing  his  consent  to  come  and 
exert  a  beneficent  influence  over  the  encampment  in  question. 
These  acts  of  divination  may  only  be  performed  by  the  father 
or  oldest  son  of  the  settlement,  and  it  is  only  they  and  their 
direct  line  who  understand  the  rite.  Chanting  is  a  necessary 
part  to  this  ceremony  of  divination. 

1  In  the  encampment  where  a  greater  part  of  the  rites  to  be  described  took 
place  there  were  braseros  containing  the  idols  of  Yantho,  Upal,  Akna, 
Ipananohqu,  Aqantsob,  Nohqu,  Kakots,  Mensabak,  Kananqas,  pibana, 
Usukum,  and  Qaiyum.  In  an  another  encampment  visited,  there  were  braseros 
with  their  hidden  idols  of  Nohotsakyum,  Yantho,  Upal,  Ioananohqu,  Men¬ 
sabak,  Ioana,  Aqantsob,  Akna,  Qaq,  Sakapuk,  Usukun,  and  Qaiyum.  All 
these,  as  will  be  described  later  (p.  101),  did  not  take  part  in  any  one  rite,  but 
only  those  who  showed  themselves  as  willing  to  accept  the  offering  of  the 
special  rite. 


100 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


One  of  these  rites  is  performed  with  a  strip  from  the  leaf  of 
a  palm,  and  a  part  of  the  detached  stem.  The  leaf  is  folded  in 
the  middle  from  side  to  side.  Starting  with  the  folded  end, 
the  leaf  is  rolled  around  the  stem.  The  rite  proper  is  then 
ready  to  begin.  The  stem  and  the  leaf  are  rolled  on  the  palm 
and  lingers  of  the  left  hand,  starting  at  the  wrist  with  the 
fingers  and  palm  of  the  right  hand.  The  stem  thus  rolls  in 
the  same  direction  as  the  leaf  is  placed  around  it.  The  thumb 
and  fingers  of  the  left  hand  grasp  the  roll  until  the  thumb  and 
fingers  of  the  right  can  start  the  motion  again,  with  the  stem 
and  leaf  at  the  wrist  of  the  left  hand.  This  motion  is  contin¬ 
ued  with  frequent  spitting  on  the  hands  until  the  end  of  the 
chant  (No.  3)  in  which  the  name  of  the  god  occurs  concerning 
whom  the  divination  is  desired.  The  leaf  is  then  unwound 
from  around  the  stem.  If  the  latter  is  still  in  the  same  posi¬ 
tion  in  regard  to  the  folded  end  of  the  leaf,  it  is  a  sign  that  the 
god  is  unpropitious  in  regard  to  the  question  asked.  If,  how¬ 
ever,  the  stem  is  between  or  inside  the  folded  end  of  the  leaf 
rather  than  outside,  the  chanter  knows  that  the  petition  is 
granted.  It  will  be  seen  that,  during  the  rolling  between  the 
palms,  if  one  end  of  the  leaf  takes  an  extra  turn  around  the 
stem  or,  as  quite  the  same  thing,  one  of  the  ends  of  the  leaf 
unrolls  by  a  single  revolution,  one  of  the  halves  of  the  leaf 
will  be  turned  over,  and,  on  unwinding,  the  stem  will  be  found 
inside  rather  than  outside  the  folded  end  as  it  was  at  first.1 

There  is  another  method  of  divination  quite  distinct  from  the 
first,  but  employed  for  the  same  purpose.  The  hands  are  placed 
together  palm  to  palm  and  the  fingers  bent  so  that  the  nail  of 
each  finger  on  one  hand  may  rest  on  the  very  edge  of  the  nail 
of  the  corresponding  finger  of  the  other  hand.  The  thumbs  are 
not  brought  into  play.  This  is  a  difficult  act,  and  for  a  novice 
it  is  almost  impossible.  During  the  chant,  which  is  the  same 
as  in  the  former  rite  of  divination,  the  hands  are  held  in  this 
position,  with  the  finger  nails  edge  to  edge,  until  the  chanter 

1  The  pointed  character  of  the  ends  of  the  leaf  aids  the  untwisting  or  extra 
winding  of  one  of  the  ends  during  the  rolling  motion  between  the  palms. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


101 


reaches  the  name  of  the  god  for  whom  the  inquiry  is  held. 
The  palms  are  then  spread  apart.  If  the  nails  still  remain 
edge  to  edge,  it  is  a  sign  that  the  god  is  willing  to  have  his  idol 
placed  in  the  sacred  inclosure.  If  one  of  the  nails  should  slip 
over  the  edge  of  the  other  opposite,  the  omen  is  evil,  and  it  is 
in  this  way  that  the  god  shows  his  unwillingness. 

Sometimes  before  the  fingers  are  placed  together  nail  to  nail 
there  is  a  preliminary  movement.  The  thumb  and  forefinger 
of  the  left  hand  are  placed  together  nail  to  nail  at  the  hollow 
on  the  inside  of  the  arm  opposite  the  elbow.  The  forearm  is 
then  measured  off  in  spaces  of  about  two  inches  by  the  thumb 
and  forefinger.  At  each  measurement  the  nails  of  the  two 
digits  must  join  edge  to  edge.  This  is  carried  to  the  top  of  the 
thumb  of  the  right  hand,  when  the  part  previously  described  of 
joining  each  finger  of  one  hand  to  the  corresponding  finger  of 
the  other  is  carried  out. 

I  have  spoken  of  these  acts  of  divination  as  if  they  were 
carried  out  principally  to  ascertain  the  willingness  or  unwilling¬ 
ness  of  a  god  to  have  a  pilgrimage  made  to  his  shrine  in  search 
of  an  idol  of  the  god  in  question.  These  journeys  are  made  at 
very  infrequent  intervals,  and  they  are  becoming  more  and 
more  rare.  The  principal  use  to  which  the  divinatory  rites  are 
put  is  to  ascertain  if  a  god  whose  idol  is  already  in  the  sacred 
hut  is  willing  to  exert  his  beneficent  influence  in  some  special 
rite.  If  the  augury  is  of  evil  omen,  the  brasero ,  together  with 
its  idol,  is  not  placed  on  the  altar  of  palm  leaves  with  those  to 
whom  the  offerings  are  to  be  made,  but  it  remains  on  the  shelf 
where  all  the  alias  rest  when  a  rite  is  not  in  progress.1 

1  In  the  encampment  where  most  of  the  rites  described  were  witnessed,  three 
of  the  braseros  with  their  idols  remained  on  the  shelf  during  all  the  rites 
observed,  those  of  Akna,  Kananqas,  and  Qibana.  A  year  later,  those  of 
Kananqag  and  Qibana  were  still  found  remaining  on  the  shelf  during  the  rites, 
as  they  were  not  disposed  to  exert  a  good  influence  over  the  encampment  as 
shown  by  the  act  of  divination.  There  was  a  change  however.  Mensabak,  who, 
the  year  before,  had  been  placed  on  the  altar  with  the  others  who  were  well  dis¬ 
posed,  now  remained  on  the  shelf ;  and  Akna,  who,  the  previous  year,  had  been 
kept  on  the  shelf,  was  now  used  in  all  the  rites.  In  the  other  encampment 
where  the  gods  have  been  named,  the  idols  and  braseros  of  Qaq  and  Sakapuk 


102 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


The  rites  of  divination  are  employed  to  the  accompaniment 
of  a  different  chant  (No.  4)  to  ascertain  the  particular  kind  of 
offering  desired  by  the  gods  in  some  special  rite.  In  some 
encampments  the  gods  as  a  whole  enjoy  one  variety  of  offer¬ 
ing  as  shown  by  divination,  and  in  a  neighboring  settlement  an 
entirely  different  kind  of  offering  is  desired.  The  character  of 
the  offerings  given  to  the  gods  is  most  varied.1  The  gifts 
not  only  differ  from  place  to  place  but  from  time  to  time. 
Each  form  of  ceremony  seems  to  have  its  special  offering. 
The  most  common  of  all  contributions  is  that  of  copal  gum. 
This  is  either  offered  in  crude  lumps  (pom)  or  worked  into 
special  forms  (sil)  (p.  125).  The  copal  is  burned  as  incense, 
and  a  pleasant  odor  is  produced. 

Another  form  of  incense  is  made  by  burning  the  sap  of  the 
rubber  tree.  This  is  often  combined  with  the  copal  as  a  gift  to 
the  gods,  qiqiluka. 

An  intoxicating  drink,  baltse,  and  called  in  the  chants  ha,  is 
another  frequent  offering  together  with  different  kinds  of  posol 
(maao).  In  the  chants  posol  is  called  tsula  or  sul.  There  are 
many  combinations  of  food  and  drink  offered  to  the  incense- 
burners  in  behalf  of  the  gods,  and  in  some  cases  the  quantity  is 
brought  into  account.  Posol  made  with  honey  has  the  name 
kabitumaaoil;  posol  with  cocoa,  ominuka.  Offerings  of  baltse  ill 
different  quantities  are  called  napdil  (something  measured  with 
the  fingers)  and  wiobil  (something  snapped  with  the  fingers). 
The  name  eroe  is  given  to  an  offering  of  a  small  gourd  of  baltse. 
An  offering  of  thin  and  brown  tortillas  is  called  tikinawa,  a  form 
of  tortillas  made  with  wood  yatsewa,  and  a  tortilla  made  in  the 
form  of  a  cup  lekuwahil.  Norwa  or  tutiwa  is  a  gift  of  thick 
tortillas  to  the  gods.  Buliwa  is  a  tamale  made  of  frejoles  (buul) 

seldom  showed  themselves  as  willing  to  be  placed  on  the  altar  with  the  others  in 
the  celebration  of  a  rite.  These  ollas  remaining  on  the  shelf  were  not  entirely 
neglected.  There  were  offerings  made  to  them  of  food  and  drink,  but  copal  was 
never  burned  in  them  nor  was  there  any  continued  chanting  made  before  them. 

1  Space  does  not  allow  me  to  enter  upon  a  discussion  of  the  identification  of 
several  of  the  kinds  of  offerings  represented  in  the  Codices,  but  this  in  itself 
would  be  a  fruitful  study. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LA CANBONES 


103 


and  corn.  Cocoa  mixed  with  baltse  is  called  uyonin.  There 
are  two  offerings  in  which  meat  figures,  baqiluka  and  ututil. 
Bands  of  bark  are  offered  as  fillets  to  the  gods.  They  are 
called  huun.  A  gift  of  these  fillets  together  with  baltse  is  called 
huuninuka.  The  bow  and  arrows  are  given  to  the  gods  at  cer¬ 
tain  rites.  An  offering  of  red  paint  made  of  achiote  berries 
(kusu)  is  common.  In  some  of  the  ceremonies,  flowers  are 
presented  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods.  Offerings  of 
certain  kinds  of  fish  (tsaklau  and  s&ktan)  are  made  in  some  of 
the  rites.  In  addition  to  these  offerings,  a  part  of  all  the  first 
fruits  of  the  fields  must  be  given  to  the  gods  each  year. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  make  out  the  strict  rule  regarding 
the  possession  of  a  separate  set  of  these  idols  and  braseros.  At 
first  one  might  suppose  that  each  totemic  division  worships  at  a 
single  place  where  there  is  located  a  collection  of  idols  more  or 
less  complete.  This  is  not  so  except  where  members  of  the 
same  gens  live  in  the  same  encampment. 

In  the  two  encampments  of  the  maao  gens,  where  most  of  the 
rites  described  were  observed,  the  two  sets  of  sacred  ollas 
together  with  their  idols  originally  belonged  to  the  same 
encampment.  It  will  be  seen  (p.  99,  note)  that  there  is  only 
one  idol  of  Nohotsakyum  in  the  two  encampments,  whereas  both 
settlements  possess  idols  of  many  of  the  other  gods.  The  du¬ 
plicate  set  was  obtained  in  more  recent  pilgrimages.  The 
idol  of  NohotSakyum  originally  belonged  to  the  father  of  the 
three  brothers  Qin,  Chankin,  and  the  one  who  had  died  (p.  43). 
By  inheritance  and  pilgrimage,  the  father  had  come  into  the 
possession  of  the  idols  of  a  greater  part  of  the  gods.  On  his 
death  they  were  divided  among  his  three  sons,  the  eldest 
obtaining  the  idol  of  Nohotsakyum  and  the  brasero  used  at  the 
time  in  connection  with  it,  together  with  his  share  of  the  other 
idols  with  their  incense-burners.  The  two  younger  sons  took 
their  part  of  the  idols  and  the  corresponding  braseros,  and  made 
a  new  encampment  for  themselves  not  far  away.  These  two 
collections  of  idols  were  gradually  enlarged  by  pilgrimages  to 
the  home  of  the  gods  until  each  encampment  contained  those 


104 


MAYAS  AND  LAG AN  DON  ES 


of  the  main  gods,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  Nohotsakyum, 
of  whom  there  was  but  one  idol  in  the  two  settlements.  This 
seems  to  show  that  there  is  some  rule  in  regard  to  the  posses¬ 
sion  of  but  one  idol  of  the  main  god  in  a  single  family  line. 

Priestly  Duties.  —  Landa  makes  reference1  to  a  priestly  class 
which  shows  a  well-defined  system  of  organization  :  Chilan,  or 
priests;  Chac,  sorcerers  and  physicians ;  and  Nacons,  assistants. 
It  is  to  the  first  of  these  classes  that  one  would  naturally 
turn  to  find  explanations  of  the  questions  which  we  would  like 
answered  concerning  the  system  of  hieroglyphs  and  that  of  the 
calendar  together  with  the  closely  allied  subject  of  the  religion 
and  the  ceremonial  rites.  This  class  seems  to  have  vanished 
completely,  and  we  have  remaining  in  isolated  districts  only 
the  gente  rustica.  In  Yucatan  one  finds  a  class  of  men  who 
claim  to  know  how  to  read  the  future  through  a  crystal  or 
by  some  other  means  (p.  163).  These  people  bear  the  title 
Men,  from  the  root  of  the  verb  meaning  “to  know  how.”2 
They  are  generally  an  ignorant  and  unintelligent  class  of 
people.  They  may  be  the  descendants  in  office  of  the  class 
of  priests  formerly  called  Chac,  as  they  combine  the  power  of 
healing  with  that  of  forecasting  the  future. 

One  is  not  surprised  to  find  that  the  Lacandones  of  the 
present  time  seem  to  have  no  priests.  The  religion  has  ceased 
to  be  in  any  way  national,  and  the  function  of  priest  is  carried 
out  by  the  head  of  the  family  in  each  encampment  as  in  the 
most  primitive  form  of  human  society.  In  one  case  the  leader  of 
the  settlement,  in  taking  charge  of  a  rite,  placed  around  his  neck 
a  string  of  seeds  like  those  worn  by  the  women.  This  may 
have  had  some  ceremonial  importance  as  showing  his  priestly 
function.  The  rigid  authority  of  the  father  and  husband  over 
the  members  of  the  family  is  perhaps  the  outcome  of  the  place 
he  holds  in  the  religious  life.  Visitors  at  ceremonial  rites,  how¬ 
ever  old  they  may  be,  are  allowed  only  to  assist  the  head  of  the 
family  in  the  duties  of  the  feast.  The  women  and  children  of 
an  encampment,  together  with  the  families  of  the  near  neigli- 

1  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXVII.  2  Cf.  Garcia,  1905,  pp.  52-57. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANBONES 


105 


bors,  remain  in  the  domestic  huts  while  the  husbands  and  older 
boys  are  inside  the  sacred  inclosure  taking  their  parts  in  the 
rites. 

Ceremonies.  —  There  are  no  ceremonies  where  the  women 
take  any  active  part  other  than  in  the  preparation  of  the 
offerings  in  the  shelter  adjoining  the  sacred  hut.1  At  the 
close  of  a  rite  they  are  allowed  to  enter  the  inclosure  and  take 
a  part  in  the  general  feasting.  This  exclusion  of  the  women 
from  any  share  in  the  religious  life  is  a  question  of  sex  rather 
than  of  any  family  connection. 

All  the  ceremonies  of  the  Lacandones  follow  the  same 
general  idea,  that  of  burning  incense  in  behalf  of  the  gods  in 
the  braseros  and  offering  food  and  drink  on  the  extended  lip  of 
the  face  on  the  incense-bowl.  The  rites  vary  only  in  regard 
to  the  nature  of  the  articles  offered.  Sacrifices  are  always 
accompanied  by  chants  or  prayers  which  cover  the  whole 
variety  of  human  experience  met  with  by  an  Indian  from 
his  birth  to  his  death.  The  ceremonies  to  be  taken  up  do  not 
cover  this  whole  field,  but  they  may  be  taken  as  sufficient 
criteria  by  which  to  judge  of  the  nature  of  the  others. 

The  rites  described  occurred  in  the  two  neighboring  encamp¬ 
ments,  the  people  of  whom  I  have  already  mentioned.  The 
caribals,  as  the  settlements  are  called  by  the  Mexicans  of  the 
country,  are  situated  one  league  and  a  half  east  of  Lake  Petha 
in  Chiapas,  near  the  trail  running  from  Tenosique  and  La 
Ilusion  to  Ocosingo.  The  people  are  the  same  individuals 
whom  Mr.  Maler  describes  as  living  on  the  shore  of  Lake 
Petha.2 

1  shall  take  up  in  detail  the  ceremony  in  which  the  sacred 
ollas  or  braseros  are  renewed.  There  are  many  minor  rites 

1Cf.  Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  XII,  Chap.  VII,  p.  699:  “Todos  los  Indios  van 
siempre  a  la  adoracion  de  el  Idolo ;  las  mugeres  no  se  hallan  presentes,  sino 
sola  la  doncella,  que  haze  el  pan  it  los  Ministros  de  el  demonic.  ” 

Cf.  also  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XL,  p.  278:  “Venido  pues  el  ano  nuevo,  se 
juntavan  todos  los  varones  en  el  patio  del  templo  solos,  porque  en  ningun 
sacrificio  o  fiesta  que  en  el  templo  se  hazia,  havian  de  hallarse  mugeres.” 

2  Maler,  1901-1903,  Chap.  V. 


100 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONDS 


which  will  be  touched  upon,  but  they  are  all  similar  to  some 
part  of  the  renewal  ceremony.1 

Theoretically,  there  must  be  a  renewal  of  the  incense-burners 
each  year.  In  practice,  however,  it  does  not  always  take  place, 
owing  to  the  great  amount  of  work  necessary  in  carrying  out 
such  a  rite  and  the  large  quantity  of  corn  consumed  in  the 
repeated  offerings  to  the  gods.  To  keep  within  the  letter  of 
the  law,  there  is  always  at  least  one  incense-burner  made  each 
year,  and  if  the  season  has  been  a  fruitful  one,  and  there  is  an 
abundance  of  corn,  the  whole  ceremony  is  celebrated. 

Regarding  this  renovation  of  the  incense-vessels,  there  is  a 
very  pleasing  parallel  found  in  Landa.2  In  the  month  Chen  or 
Tax,  which  roughly  corresponds,  according  to  the  author,  to  our 
December  or  January,  a  festival  called  Ocna  was  celebrated  in 
honor  of  the  Chacs,  whom  the  people  regarded  as  the  lords  of 
the  field.3 

The  whole  ceremony  as  observed  among  the  Lacandones 
stretches  over  considerably  more  than  a  month.  In  the  two 
celebrations  of  this  series  of  rites  witnessed,  they  began  about 
the  middle  of  February  and  lasted  until  nearly  the  end  of 
March.  I  could  find  in  the  dates  of  the  various  parts  of  the 
ceremony  no  correlation  to  the  phases  of  the  moon  or  of  any 
constellation,  although  it  seems  as  if  something  of  this  sort 
must,  at  one  time,  have  been  the  regulating  factor.  The  time  of 
observing  the  rite  depends  in  great  part  on  the  ripening  of  the 
products  of  the  milpa.  It  is  in  these  rites  that  all  the  first  fruits 
of  the  field  must  be  offered  to  the  gods  before  anything  may 
be  eaten  by  the  people.  The  work  of  making  the  new  milpa 
is  usually  postponed  until  the  renewal  ceremony  is  completed. 

1  The  word  “  ceremony  ”  will  he  used  as  signifying  a  succession  of  rites  held 
for  a  single  purpose. 

2  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XL,  p.  242.  (See  quotation  in  note,  p.  84.)  Ibid., 
Chap.  XL,  p.  278:  “  Para  celebrarla  con  mas  solemnidad,  renovavan  en  este  dia 
todas  las  cosas  de  su  servicio,  como  platos,  vasos,  vanquillos,  serillas,  y  la  ropa 
vieja,  y  las  mantillas  en  que  tenian  losidolos  enbueltos.” 

3  The  word  tsak  (chac)  is  seen  in  the  name  of  the  main  god  in  the 
pantheon,  Noho(ts)-t£ak-yum,  and  also  in  the  name  of  the  rain  gods  found 
among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan,  Nukuts-yum-tsak-ob  (p.  155). 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


107 


The  general  idea  in  this  series  of  rites  for  the  renewal  of 
the  sacred  alias  is  that  these  hraseros  die  and  new  ones  must  be 
made  to  fake  their  places.1 

Before  the  rite  can  take  place  where  the  hraseros  of  the 
previous  year  are  given  their  last  offering  and  the  sacred  idol 
removed,  the  new  alias  must  be  made  together  with  a  large 
earthen  drum  and  a  large  number  of  braseritos.  The  latter 
are  supposed  to  aid  in  the  general  ceremony  as  additional 
servants  of  the  gods. 

Each  of  this  smaller  class  of  alias  belongs  to  a  certain  one  of 
the  idols  contained  in  the  larger  incense-vessels.  Although 
these  braseritos  are  all  very  much  alike  as  regards  shape  and 
decoration,  they  can  be  distinguished  by  their  owners  each  from 
the  other,  and  the  leader  knows  to  which  one  of  the  main  gods 
each  belongs.  As  an  offering  is  administered  to  each  of  these 
braseritos,  the  chant  denotes  in  what  way  the  gift  is  to  be  dis¬ 
posed  of.  Some  of  the  braseritos  are  given  directly  to  the  gods 
represented  by  the  larger  incense-burners,  who  act  as  the  agents 
of  the  idol  contained  in  their  bowls,  and  others  of  the  braseritos 
are  given  to  the  gods  to  serve  as  messengers  to  carry  the 
offering  to  Nohotiakyum. 

In  one  encampment  where  the  renewal  rites  were  observed 
there  were  thirty-two  of  the  common  form  of  braserito.  Four 
were  given,  to  Aqantlob  for  his  own  use,  two  to  Mensabak,  two  to 
Nohqu,  two  to  Yantho,  two  to  Upal,  and  four  to  loananoliqu  and 
KakotS,  and  all  for  their  individual  use  (atilili).2  Four  others 
were  given  to  loananoliqu  for  him  to  carry  to  Nohotiakyum 
(akubtik  yum).3  KakotS  was  given,  in  addition  to  those  for 
his  own  use  as  servants,  four  to  aid  him  in  carrying  the  offering 
to  the  main  god  and  another  four  to  help  in  taking  the  sacrifice 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXVII,  p.  158:  “  Bien  sabian  ellos  que  los  idolos 
eran  obras  suyas  y  muertas  y  sin  deidad,  mas  que  los  tenian  en  reverencia  por  lo 
que  representayan,  y  porque  les  avian  Iiecho  con  tantas  cerimonias,  en  especial 
los  de  palo.” 

2  Atilili,  for  yourself  or  for  you  as  your  right.  It  occurs  in  the  chants. 

8  Akubtik-yum,  you  restore  it  (the  offering)  to  the  father.  The  idea  is  that 
he  originally  gave  it. 


108 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


to  AqantSob.  The  relative  importance  of  tlie  gods  in  this  en¬ 
campment  as  regards  their  willingness  to  cure  may  be  made 
out  from  the  respective  number  of  braseritos  given  to  each  god. 
Aqant^ob  seems  to  be  the  most  well  disposed  of  the  gods  repre¬ 
sented  in  the  settlement,  and  Ioananohqu  and  Kakots,  although 
having  four  of  the  braseritos  as  their  own,  still  must  play  the 
role  of  messengers,  and  they  each  have  four  of  the  small  ollas 
given  them,  with  the  express  command  to  restore  (kub)  the  offer¬ 
ing  to  Nohotsakyum,  and,  as  was  seen,  Kakots  has,  in  addition, 
four  others  to  carry  to  Aqantsob.  The  prominence  given  to  the 
latter  god  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  in  the  rite  of  divina¬ 
tion  the  name  of  this  god  lias  always  appeared  as  a  good  omen 
or  that  some  one  has  been  cured  under  the  direction  of  this  god. 

In  the  manufacture  of  the  two  kinds  of  incense-burners,  the 
braseros  and  the  braseritos ,  certain  definite  restrictions  are  made. 
A  small  shelter  of  palm  leaves  must  first  of  all  be  built  in  a 
retired  spot  at  some  distance  from  the  regular  encampment.1 
Here  a  quantity  of  clay  and  quartz  sand  are  brought  together 
and  the  work  of  modeling  the  sacred  ollas  begun.  The  very 
greatest  secrecy  is  observed,  and  the  women  are  on  no  account 
allowed  to  approach  the  shelter  where  the  new  incense-burners 
are  being  made.  The  modeler  places  a  mass  of  clay  on  a 
portion  of  a  banana  leaf,  which  in  turn  rests  on  a  low  wooden 
stool.  The  bowl  of  the  brasero  is  made  first,  chiefly  by  means 
of  the  fingers.  A  small  paddle  of  wood  is  used  to  smooth  down 
the  surfaces.2  On  the  edge  of  the  bowl,  a  flat  piece  of  wet  clay 
is  placed  as  the  foundation  for  the  head.  The  nose,  hair,  eyes, 
and  mouth  are  made  and  stuck  on  afterward.  Through  the 
center  of  the  bottom  of  the  bowl  a  single  hole  is  made,  and  at 

1  Lancia,  1864,  Chap.  XL,  p.  308 :  “  Venida  la  madera  hazian  una  casilla  de 
paja  cercada  donde  metian  la  madera  y  una  tinaja  para  en  que  eckar  los  idolos  y 
alii  tenerlos  atapados  como  los  fuessen  haziendo  .  .  .  y  con  estos  adere^os  se 
encerravan  en  la  casilla  el  sacerdote  y  los  chaces  y  el  official,  y  comen§avan  su 
labor  de  dioses.” 

2  Figure  28  may  show  the  shaping  by  means  of  a  wooden  paddle,  although  it 
seems  more  likely  that  the  implement  in  the  hands  of  the  workman  is  of  stone, 
and  in  that  case  the  carving  of  a  stone  idol  is  probably  represented. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


109 


both  sides  similar  holes,  one  above  the  other,  for  ventilation. 
The  ollas  are  allowed  to  dry  several  days,  when  they  are  baked 
for  a  few  hours  in  a  bed  of  hot  coals.1  After  the  baking,  the 


Fig.  28.  Fig.  29. 

Tro-Cort.  97,  b.  Tro-Cort.  100,  b. 


bowls  are  ready  to  be  decorated  as  has  been  described  (p.  69). 2 
The  white  paint  is  made  of  chalk,  and  put  on  over  all  the  surface 
of  the  olla.  The  red  color,  made  from  the  achiote  berry,  and 
the  black,  of  the  soot  collected  from  the  burning  copal ,  are  put 
on  with  a  brush  composed  of  a  stick,  on  the  end  of  which  some 
cotton  is  wound. 

At  the  first  of  these  renewal  ceremonies  witnessed,  there  were 
twenty-six  ollas  made,  all  identical  in  form  with  one  exception. 


Fig.  30.  Fig.  31. 


Tro-Cort.  99,  d.  Tro-Cort.  101,  b. 

Eight  were  of  the  larger  size,  and  were  to  contain  the  stone 
idols  of  the  gods,  the  other  eighteen  were  smaller  and  were 

1  According  to  Fcirstemann  ( 1902,  p.  138),  Fig.  29  shows  a  clay  idol  being 
baked  in  an  oven.  The  head  is  the  same  as  that  in  Figs.  25  and  28,  and  is 
similar  to  god  C,  of  Schellhas  (1904,  p.  19). 

2  Figures  30  and  31  may  show  the  painting  of  the  incense-bowls  with  the  end 
of  a  leaf.  Figure  31  shows  the  same  form  of  head. 


no 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


made  to  contain  no  idols.  Of  this  number  of  smaller  ollas ,  one 
differed  from  all  the  others  in  form  (Fig.  32  and  PI.  XX, 
Fig.  1).  Below  the  head  on  the  edge  of  the  bowl  there 
stretched  a  round  projection  of  the  same  material  as  the  bowl, 
about  six  inches  long  and  an  inch  in  diameter.  The  end  was 
flattened  and  represented  a  hand.  This  olla  may  be  described 

as  a  form  of  incense-bowl  with 
a  handle.  This  shape  is  met 
with,  but  without  the  head,  in 
the  remains  of  the  older  cul¬ 
ture.  In  the  Peabody  Muse¬ 
um  there  are  several  clay  arms 
with  closed  hands  which  might 
Handled  incense-burner  of  the  Lacandones.  well  have  served  as  handles  to 

incense-burners  in  the  same 
way  as  the  arm  and  hand  represented  by  this  olla  of  the  Lacan¬ 
dones.1  The  handled  incense-burner  with  the  head  on  the  side 
of  the  bowl,  however,  has  not  been  met  with  as  far  as  I  know 
among  other  than  the  Lacandones.  The  ends  of  most  of  the 
ancient  handled  incense-burners  represent  the  mouth  of  an 
animal,  usually  that  of  a  serpent.  It  may  be  that  the  offerings 
of  food  were  placed  in  the  mouth  of  these  animal  heads  on  the 
ends  of  the  handles,  as  we  find  at  the  present  time  the  food 
placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  common  form  of  brasero  without  a 
handle.  But  on  the  handled  incense-burners  of  the  Lacan¬ 
dones,  it  is  on  the  outstretched  hand  rather  than  on  the  mouth 
of  the  brasero  that  the  offerings  of  food  and  drink  are  placed. 
This  handled  olla  is  called  Akna,  the  mother.  It  never  appears 
except  at  this  ceremony,  when  the  new  braseros  are  installed. 
The  name  of  the  renewal  rite  as  given  by  Landa2  is  Ocna. 
These  two  terms  are  undoubtedly  the  same;  and  the  name  of 
the  whole  rite  may  take  its  name  from  that  of  the  idol  with  the 
projecting  arm,  as  this  is  regarded  as  the  ceremonial  mother  of 
the  new  ollas.  She  seems  to  have  no  relation  to  the  other  and 


1  Cf.  PI.  XIX,  Fig.  3. 


2  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  X,  p.  242. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


111 


more  important  goddess  who  bears  the  same  name.  The  latter 
is  the  mother  of  many  of  the  main  gods,  whereas  the  former  is  the 
ceremonial  mother  of  the  braseros  themselves.  This  olla  with 
the  projecting  arm  plays  an  unimportant  part  in  the  several  rites. 

In  a  later  ceremony  witnessed  at  another  encampment  from 
that  just  described,  there  were  forty  ollas  (Fig.  33,  p.  112), 
only  seven  of  which  were  of  the  larger  variety.  The  others 
were  braseritos ,  and  all  of  the  same  form  with  the  exception  of 
the  ceremonial  mother,  whose  olla  has  just  been  described.  In 
addition  to  the  sacred  ollas  there  is  also  made  in  preparation 
for  the  renewal  ceremony  a  ceremonial  drum  to  take  the  place 
of  that  used  during  the  previous  year.  Sometimes  two  drams 
are  made  at  this  time.  These  as  well  as  the  braseros  are  sup¬ 
posed  to  die  each  year. 

The  drum  is  composed  of  a  clay  jar  (PI.  XX,  Fig.  2)  about 
twenty  inches  high.  Over  the  top  of  the  jar  is  stretched  a 
piece  of  the  hide  of  the  tepeizquinte  for  a  head.  The  whole 
drum  is  painted  white.  On  one  side  near  the  top  there  is  a 
head  similar  in  all  respects  to  that  found  on  all  the  sacred 
ollas.  This  head,  as  it  has  been  explained,  represents  one  of 
the  lesser  gods  called  Qaiyum. 

The  modeling,  baking,  and  painting  of  all  the  ollas  occupies 
at  least  four  weeks,  and  it  is  carried  on,  as  has  been  stated,  with 
the  utmost  secrecy,  away  from  all  except  the  men  of  the  immedi¬ 
ate  family  who  are  to  celebrate  the  feast.  These  men,  during 
this  period  of  preparation,  as  well  as  throughout  the  entire  rite, 
sleep  in  the  ceremonial  hut  where  the  old  idols  are  kept. 

At  this  time  of  preparation  a  new  ceremonial  robe  is  started 
(PI.  XV,  Fig.  1).  The  cotton  must  be  spun  and  woven  by 
an  old  woman  of  the  tribe,  and  a  widow.1  All  the  work  has  to 
be  done  in  the  sacred  inclosure.  This  robe  is  for  the  leader 
of  the  ceremony. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  exterior  of  the  sacred  hut 
(p.  64).  A  description  of  the  interior  would  be  of  assistance 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXXVI,  p.  222  :  “  .  .  .  Les  mandava  el  demonio 
ofrecerle  hardillas  y  un  paramento  sin  labores  ;  el  qual  texessen  las  viejas.” 


112 


MAYAS  AND  LACANBONES 


Fig.  33. 

Plan  of  sacred  inclosure  of  the  Laeandones. 


a,  row  of  braseros. 

b,  rows  of  braseritos. 
e,  row  of  baltse. 

d,  row  of  buliwa. 

e,  olla  with  arm. 

/,  board  of  copal. 

jicaras  to  be  filled. 
h,  jar  for  baltse. 

j,  seat  of  leader. 

k,  seats  of  others. 

l,  drum,  Qaiyum. 

m,  shelf  for  ollas. 

n,  dead  braseros. 

o,  log  of  water. 

p,  log  for  sugar  cane. 


q,  log  for  baltse. 

r,  offering  for  Usukun. 

s,  ceremonial  fire. 

t,  cover  to  make  soot. 

1,  brasero  of  Kakots. 

2,  brasero  of  Nohqu. 

3,  brasero  of  Yantho. 

4,  brasero  of  Aqantsob. 

5,  brasero  of  Ioananohqu. 

6,  brasero  of  Akna. 

7,  brasero  of  Upal. 

8,  brasero  of  Mensabak. 

9,  brasero  of  Kananqas. 

10,  brasero  of  Oibana. 

11,  brasero  of  Usukun. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LAGANDONES 


113 


to  a  better  understanding  of  the  rites  as  they  progress.1  I 
shall  speak  of  it  as  it  appears  during  the  progress  of  the  re¬ 
newal  ceremony  after  the  new  braseros  have  replaced  those  of 
the  previous  year,  and  the  braseritos  are  arranged  in  front 
of  the  latter.  There  is,  in  addition,  an  offering  of  baltge  before 
the  braseritos  (Fig.  33). 

When  a  ceremony  is  not  being  observed,  the  incense-burners 
rest  on  a  hanging  shelf  (to,  Fig.  33),  in  the  middle  of  the 
western  side  of  the  sacred  hut.2  They  are  arranged  in  one  or 
two  rows,  with  their  heads  always  facing  the  east. 

A  carpet  of  palm  leaves  covers  the  ground  on  the  western 
side  of  the  hermita  directly  in  front  of  the  hanging  shelf. 
During  the  celebration  of  a  rite,  the  sacred  ollas  are  arranged 
in  a  row  along  the  carpet  of  leaves  stretching  north  and  south 
(a,  Fig.  33,  also  PI.  XX,  Fig.  1).  The  layer  of  green  on  which 
the  braseros  rest  together  with  the  offerings  made  to  them,  I 
shall  hereafter  call  the  altar.3  The  heads  on  all  the  braseros 
face  the  east,  which  is  the  one  point  toward  which  everything 
and  everybody  in  the  sacred  inclosure  turn  when  the  impor¬ 
tant  parts  of  the  rites  are  being  carried  out.  It  must  not  be 
supposed,  however,  that  the  other  points  of  the  compass  are 
neglected.  When  the  leader  blows  his  shell  trumpet  to  call 
the  gods  to  come  and  partake  of  the  offering,  he  often  turns 
to  the  other  points  as  well  as  to  the  east. 

Directly  in  front  of  the  line  of  the  main  ollas  or  braseros  in 
the  interior  of  the  hut  are  the  braseritos  (5,  6,  b,  Fig.  33). 

1 1  have  thought  it  best  to  describe  in  detail  the  interior  of  one  of  these 
hermita.  The  arrangement  was  essentially  the  same  in  all  those  visited,  so  that 
the  description  may  be  taken  as  a  general  statement. 

2  Sapper  (1891,  p.  893)  describes  the  interior  of  the  sacred  hut  of  a  Lacan- 
done  settlement  which  he  visited  on  the  Rio  de  la  Pasion  :  “  .  .  .  Sah  icli  die 
zahlreichen  thonernen,  mit  einer  vorstehenden  gesichtsmaske  geschmiickten 
Opferschalen,  welche,  mit  Kopal  und  Wachs  geftillt,  auf  einigen  Hangebrettem 
auf  der  westseite  des  gebandes  standen  ;  davon  befand  sicli  ein  niedriger  Tisch, 
auf  welchem  Wachskerzen  abgebrannt  worden  zu  sein  schienen.  Eigentliche 
Gotzenbilder  habe  ich  nicht  bemerkt,  sofern  nicht  etwa  die  Gesichtsmasken  der 
Opferschalen  dafiir  angesprochen  werden  mussen.” 

3  In  one  settlement  the  incense-burners  during  the  celebration  of  a  rite  were 
placed  upon  a  low  table  instead  of  on  a  carpet  of  palm  leaves  on  the  ground. 


114 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN DON ES 


The  faces  on  these  also  point  toward  the  east.  They  are  em¬ 
ployed  each  year  only  in  this  ceremony  of  the  renewal  of  the 
incense-burners  of  the  gods,  after  which  they  are  deposited 
under  a  cliff  near  Lake  Petha. 

In  addition  to  the  ollas  of  the  main  gods  and  the  smaller 
ollas  of  the  servants  of  the  gods,  there  are  usually  other  in¬ 
cense-bowls  included  in  the  collection  possessed  by  the  settle¬ 
ment.  They  are  not  arranged  on  the  altar  of  leaves,  but 
remain  on  the  suspended  shelf  when  the  others  are  taken  down 
for  the  celebration  of  a  rite  (8,  9,  10,  Fig.  33).  These  ollas ,  as 
it  has  been  explained,  belong  to  the  gods  who  are  not  well 
disposed  at  this  special  rite  toward  the  people  of  the  encamp¬ 
ment.  They  do  not  for  this  reason  find  a  place  with  the  others 
on  the  altar.  They  cannot  be  entirely  neglected,  however,  and 
at  intervals  they  are  given  offerings  of  food  and  drink. 

At  the  northwest  corner  of  the  hut,  the  ceremonial  drum  is 
situated  ( l ,  Fig.  33,  also  PI.  XX,  Fig.  2).  The  head  on  the 
drum  faces  the  east. 

A  short  distance  in  front  of  the  altar  and  near  the  eastern 
side  of  the  hut  is  a  jar  (j,  Fig.  33,  also  PI.  XXI  V,  Fig.  2) 
containing  the  ceremonial  drink.  From  this  the  gourds  are 
filled  which  later  are  placed  in  front  of  the  lines  of  sacred  ollas. 
The  jar  often  has  a  small  head  on  one  side,  much  smaller  and 
more  insignificant  than  those  on  the  drums  or  incense-burners. 
The  head  faces  the  altar  rather  than  the  east.1 

In  front  of  the  jar  to  the  west  a  carpet  of  palm  leaves  is 
spread.  On  this  the  gourds  rest  when  being  filled  with  the 
baltse  contained  in  the  jar  (</,  Fig.  33). 

Directly  behind  the  jar  and  grouped  on  either  side  are 
several  short-legged  wooden  stools2  (j,  k,  7c,  k,  k,  Fig.  33). 
The  one  behind  the  jar  (/)  and  facing  the  ollas  is  occupied 

1  A  circle  painted  in  red  is  sometimes  found  in  place  of  the  clay  head  on  the 
jar.  This  is  the  case  on  the  jar  shown  in  the  figures.  It  may  be  that  the  design 
on  the  upper  jar  (Fig.  25,  p.  88)  and  a  similar  one  near  the  top  of  the  jar 
(Fig.  46,  p.  139)  are  conventionalized  representations  of  this  head. 

2  Cf.  Sapper,  1897,  p.  262  :  “  Am  Pet  Ha  beobachtete  ich  zudem  niedrige  Stiihl- 
chen  mit  vier  Fussen.” 


RELIGION  OF  TIIE  LACANDONES 


115 


during  the  ceremony  by  the  leader  or  giver  of  the  feast.  The 
other  seats  are  used  by  the  participants  in  the  rite.  The 
assistant  of  the  leader  sits  at  his  right. 

At  the  southwest  corner  of  the  hut,  the  old  incense-burners 
of  the  previous  year,  which  are  supposed  to  be  dead,  are  grouped 
on  the  ground  ( n ,  Fig.  33).  The  heads  face  the  west  rather 
than  the  east,  and  each  bowl  contains  a  shell  of  the  cocoa  bean 
turned  bottom  up  and  covering  the  head  on  the  edge  of  the 
bowl.  These  shells  are  used  in  giving  the  sacred  alias  a  last 
oblation  before  they  are  carried  away  and  deposited  under  a  cliff. 

The  ceremonial  rattle  (Fig.  19,  p.  75)  hangs  from  the  roof 
at  the  northern  side  of  the  suspended  shelf,  as  well  as  the  reed 
oboe.  The  cover  used  to  collect  the  soot  from  the  burning 
copal  for  making  the  black  paint  also  finds  a  place  in  the 
ceremonial  hut,  together  with  gourds  and  bark  boxes  in  great 
numbers  which  hold  the  stores  and  various  supplies  employed 
in  the  different  rites.  Everything  to  be  used  in  any  way  in  the 
ceremonies  has  to  be  kept  in  the  hermita.  The  bows  and 
arrows  and  the  flint  points  seem  also  to  be  made  in  this  house, 
and  here  they  are  always  kept. 

A  large  number  of  the  lower  jaws  of  several  kinds  of  animals, 
especially  of  the  deer,  the  monkey,  and  the  wild  boar,  were  ob¬ 
served  sticking  into  the  inside  of  the  thatched  roof.  These  no 
doubt  serve  as  reminders,  possibly  as  counts,  of  sacrifices  of 
meat  made  to  the  idols.1 

Hollow  logs  containing  hives  of  bees  are  often  found  in  one 
corner  of.  the  sacred  hut. 

In  the  general  neatness  of  this  sacred  building  there  is  a  great 
contrast  to  the  usual  appearance  of  the  interior  of  the  domestic 
huts. 

In  front  of  the  house  to  the  east  are  two  logs  ( p ,  q ,  Fig.  33) 
about  eighteen  inches  in  diameter,  lying  on  the  ground.  They 
are  hollowed  out  for  the  greater  part  of  their  length  (PL  XXII, 
Fig.  3)  and  the  hole  inside  covered  over  with  the  exception  of 

1  Sapper  (1891,  p.  893)  notes  the  presence  of  the  lower  jaws  in  the  hermita  which 
he  visited,  together  with  bird  feathers  doubtless  serving  a  similar  purpose. 


116 


MAYAS  AND  LAC AM BONES 


a  small  opening  near  the  end.  Small  sticks  are  laid  crosswise 
at  intervals  over  the  opening,  and  on  these  palm  leaves  are  placed. 
These  logs  serve  as  reservoirs  for  the  ceremonial  drink.  It  is 
in  these  receptacles  that  it  is  mixed  and  allowed  to  ferment.1 
Just  below  the  opening  left  in  the  top,  where  the  liquid  is 
dipped  out,  there  are  two  circles  in  red.  These  correspond  to 
the  pair  of  circles  on  the  two  posts  and  beams  at  the  western 
side  of  the  hut,  on  either  side  of  the  hanging  shelf.  These, 
as  has  been  stated,  are  probably  the  same  in  signification  as 
the  bands  of  bark  fiber  colored  red  and  tied  around  the  fore¬ 
heads  of  the  participants  in  certain  of  the  rites. 

A  short  distance  to  the  east  of  the  sacred  hut  and  in  front  of 
one  of  the  hollow  log's  is  a  single  incense-burner  facing  the 
east  (11,  Fig.  83).  This  belongs  to  the  god  Usukun  and  con¬ 
tains  his  idol.  1 1  is  influence  is  not  wholly  for  the  good,  and 
his  idol  is  not  allowed  to  form  one  of  the  collection  inside  the 
hermita. 

To  the  north  of  the  hut  is  another  log  (o,  Fig.  33).  This  con¬ 
tains  water,  and  it  is  here  that  the  leader  and  his  assistants  al¬ 
ways  wash  their  hands  both  on  entering  and  leaving  the  sacred 
inclosure  for  any  secular  duties  outside. 

A  screen  of  palm  leaves  often  surrounds  the  sacred  hut  to¬ 
gether  with  the  three  logs  and  the  olla  under  the  tree. 

With  every  sacrifice  made  to  the  idols  there  are  usually  three 
stages.  The  article  is  brought  in  and  “placed”  before  the  idols, 
or,  as  it  is  expressed  in  the  chants,  “restored”  to  them.  This 
act  is  sometimes  carried  out  without  chanting.  The  gift  is  then 
“  offered  ”  to  the  braseros  and  their  idols  as  a  sacrifice,  and  the 
gods  are  asked  to  come  in  person  and  partake  of  the  offering. 
Finally  the  food  and  drink  are  “administered”  to  the  heads  on 
the  incense-burners  in  behalf  of  the  god.  Posol  and  baltse 
are  placed  on  the  mouths  of  the  figures  on  the  side  of  the  bowls 
with  a  spoon  and  on  the  end  of  a  roll  of  palm  leaves  respectively, 
whereas  an  offering  of  meat  or  buliwa  is  placed  on  the  lip  of 

1  In  one  encampment  the  logs  were  lacking,  and  the  baltse  was  made  in  large 
earthen  vessels. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


117 


the  brasero  with  the  fingers.  This  offering  and  administration 
of  food  and  drink  are  always  accompanied  by  chanting. 

The  chants  generally  describe  the  acts  being  performed  to 
their  accompaniment,  in  addition  to  offering  up  prayers  for 
health  and  freedom  from  pain  and  death.  There  is  consider¬ 
able  rhythm  to  the  chants  of  the  Lacandones.  Syllables  are 
elided,  lengthened,  and  slurred.  On  this  account,  it  is  often 
difficult  to  identify  the  sounds  as  having  any  meaning.  The 
voice  is  pitched  high  and  is  often  tremolo.  The  chants  do  not 
seem  to  be  fixed  and  unchangeable,  as  one  finds  among  many 
Indian  tribes.  They  are,  instead,  very  elastic.  With  the  ex¬ 
ception  of  certain  fixed  phrases,  they  can  be  lengthened  or 
shortened  and  made  to  fit  the  nature  of  the  case  in  behalf  of 
which  they  are  offered.  Sometimes  the  god  whose  brasero  and 
idol  is  being  addressed  is  named  in  the  prayer,  at  other  times 
the  simple  title  Yum  is  given  him.  The  general  order  of 
chant  begins  with  an  explanation  of  what  is  being  done  and 
the  name  of  the  god  to  whom  the  sacrifice  is  being  offered, 
with  a  petition  for  the  spirit  of  the  brasero  to  carry  the  gift  to 
the  god  represented  by  the  idol  inside  the  bowl  and  to  whom 
the  spirit  belongs  as  a  servant.  The  chants  usually  end  with 
the  name  of  the  person  or  persons  in  behalf  of  whom  the  offer¬ 
ing  is  made.  If  the  rite  is  short  in  that  there  are  not  many 
gods  to  whom  offerings  are  to  be  made,  a  prayer  for  protection 
against  fever  and  the  bites  of  snakes  and  tigers  is  often  added. 
Thus,  it  will  be  seen  that,  almost  at  will,  the  leader  may  arrange 
his  chant,  keeping,  however,  to  certain  forms  of  speech. 

Renewal  rite.  —  I  shall  now  take  up  a  detailed  description  of 
the  rites  held  in  celebrating  the  ceremony  of  the  renewal  of 
the  sacred  ollas.  Some  days  before  a  beginning  is  made  in 
making  the  new  incense-burners,  the  old  braseros  are  taken 
down  from  tne  shelf  for  the  final  time  and  placed  on  the  altar 
of  palm  leaves.  For  the  next  six  weeks,  or  during  the  time 
when  the  ollas  are  being  made,  there  is  a  daily  offering  of 
posol  made  to  the  old  braseros  who  are  about  to  die  and  be 
superseded  by  the  new  ones. 


118 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


This  daily  gift  of  posol  is  varied  at  intervals  by  a  more  elab¬ 
orate  rite.  These  rites  are  kept  up  until  the  new  braseros  are 
molded,  baked,  and  painted,  when  they  are  brought  to  the 
sacred  hut;  and  the  stone  idols,  concealed  in  each  case  under  the 
copal  ash  of  the  old  ollas ,  are  removed  and  placed  in  the  bowls 
of  the  new  braseros.  During  certain  portions  of  this  time  the 
men  do  not  wash,  and  they  live  separated  from  their  families.1 

From  the  beginning  of  the  renewal  ceremony  to  the  end,  the 
men  of  the  encampment  sleep  in  the  sacred  hut  as  a  protection 
to  the  braseros ,  which  remain  on  the  altar  of  palm  leaves  from 
the  time  when  these  daily  offerings  of  posol  are  made,  mark¬ 
ing  the  beginning  of  the  decline  and  death  of  the  old  braseros, 
until  the  subsequent  installation  of  the  new  ollas. 

The  daily  offering  of  posol  is  a  simple  rite,  usually  taking 
about  two  hours.  This  takes  place  generally  in  the  morning, 
after  which  the  men  return  to  the  secret  shelter,  where  the  work 
of  manufacturing  the  new  ollas  is  carried  on.  Each  night  the 
women  of  the  encampment  are  kept  busy  grinding  the  corn  for 
the  offering  of  posol  for  the  following  day.  This  is  carried  on 
in  the  small  shelter  to  the  west  of  the  sacred  hut  and  in  which 
all  the  food  offered  to  the  gods  in  the  different  rites  is  prepared. 
In  the  morning  the  ground  corn  is  mixed  with  water  in  a  large 
earthen  bowl  holding  several  gallons. 

The  first  act  in  this  daily  rite  is  placing  rough  lumps  of  copal 
gum  inside  the  bowls  of  the  incense-burners.  This  is  done  by 
the  leader  of  the  rite,  usually  the  head  of  the  encampment. 
These  pieces  of  incense  are  not  in  the  form  of  nodules  and 
arranged  on  a  board  as  will  be  seen  in  a  later  rite  (PI.  XXI  Yr, 
Fig.  3),  but  simply  masses  of  the  gum  taken  from  a  large  supply 
contained  in  a  shallow  gourd.  The  men  present  all  turn  their 
backs  as  this  preparatory  act  is  being  performed.  The  women 
do  not  enter  the  sacred  inclosure  until  the  very  end,  when  the 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXVII,  p.  156  :  “  Y  abstenianse  de  susmugeres  para 
la  celebracion  de  todas  sus  fiestas.  •  •  •  Y  en  algunas  ayunos  de  sus  fiestas  no 
comian  carne  ni  conocian  sus  mugeres.” 

Also  cf.  ibid.,  Chap.  XL,  p.  278  :  “Para  esta  fiesta  •  •  •  y  abstenerse  de  sus 


mugeres. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


119 


general  feast  begins.  As  in  all  the  other  offerings,  the  braseros 
of  the  main  gods  and  especially  that  of  Nohotsakyum,  if  one  is 
possessed  by  the  encampment,  receive  a  larger  supply  of  copal 
than  the  ollas  of  the  less  important  gods.  The  brasero  of 
Usukun  at  the  east  of  the  sacred  hut  is  not  neglected  at  this 
distribution  of  copal. 

As  has  been  noted,  during  the  time  of  these  last  rites  to  the 
old  braseros  the  men  of  the  encampment  are  engaged  in  the 
work  of  making  new  incense-burners.  A  chant  is  made  (No.  5) 
at  the  distribution  of  copal  which  describes  the  work  in  progress 
in  making  the  new  ollas. 

The  leader  then  leaves  the  inclosure  and  goes  to  the  neigh¬ 
boring  shelter,  where  he  receives  at  the  hands  of  his  wife,  two 
at  a  time,  jicaras  or  gourds  filled  with  posol }  Great  care  is 
taken  to  have  the  outside  of  the  vessel  free  from  all  traces  of 
the  liquid.  Many  of  the  jicaras  are  decorated  with  incised 
drawings  (Figs.  4-15,  and  PL  XXI,  Fig  1).  The  leader  brings 
in  the  gourds  two  by  two  and  places  them  in  front  of  the  row 
of  braseros  on  the  carpet  of  green  leaves  (PI.  XX,  Fig.  3).  To 
prevent  them  from  falling  over,  they  rest  on  rings  woven  of  a 
pliable  vine.  The  brasero  of  Usukun  in  front  of  the  sacred  hut 
has  a  single  jicara  of  the  posol  deposited  before  it.  The  chant 
(No.  6)  does  not  differ  greatly  from  that  used  when  the  copal  is 
distributed.  The  beginning,  however,  is  quite  different.  As 
the  leader  stands  before  the  line  of  braseros  with  a  gourd  of  the 
liquid  in  each  hand,  he  begins  a  low  droning  sound  which 
increases  in  intensity  until  he  has  stooped  down  and  placed  the 
jicara  before  the  olla  to  which  it  belongs  when  the  regular 
chant  begins. 

At  the  completion  of  the  depositing  of  the  posol ,  the  leader 
goes  to  the  eastward  of  the  hut  and  blows  five  long  blasts  on 
the  conch  shell,  thus  calling  the  gods  to  come  in  person. 

With  a  long-handled  spoon  (huyup),  the  bowl  of  which  is 

1  The  number  of  jicaras  offered  varies.  In  the  daily  rites  there  are  usually 
three  given  to  each  of  the  braseros ,  one  in  behalf  of  the  children,  one  in  behalf 
of  the  wife,  and  one  in  behalf  of  the  man  himself. 


120 


MAYAS  AND  LACANBONES 


not  more  than  an  inch  in  diameter,  the  giver  of  the  feast 
administers  to  the  head  on  each  of  the  braseros  a  small  particle 
from  each  of  the  gourds  oi  posol  by  placing  it  upon  the  mouth 
of  each  one.  This  act  thus  consecrates  the  entire  contents  of 
each  jieara  to  the  use  of  all  the  gods  represented  by  the  braseros 
by  giving  a  part  for  the  whole.  It  is  quite  as  necessary, 
however,  that,  at  the  end  of  the  rite,  the  entire  contents  of 
the  gourds  shall  be  consumed  by  the  leader  and  his  assist¬ 
ants. 

During  the  feeding  of  the  braseros ,  the  chant  (No.  7)  is 
repeated  as  many  times  as  is  necessary  until  all  have  been 
given  the  offering.  The  incense-burner  of  Usukun  is  given 
posol  in  the  same  way.  The  chant  (No.  8)  is  shorter  than  that 
used  before  the  other  gods. 

The  leader,  standing  at  the  east  of  the  sacred  hut  and  facing 
the  east  in  the  direction  of  the  home  of  NohotSakyum,  spatters 
a  small  particle  of  the  posol  from  the  end  of  the  spoon  into  the 
air.  He  utters  a  short  prayer  (No.  9)  as  he  does  this. 

It  is  at  this  time  in  the  rite  that  the  braseros  whose  owners 
are  not  well  disposed  at  the  time  are  given  an  offering  of  the 
posol  contained  in  the  jicaras.  These  incense-burners,  as  it 
lias  been  explained,  remain  on  the  suspended  shelf.  The  chant 
is  unimportant  (No.  10).  The  leader  also  places  a  particle  of 
the  posol  on  the  head  of  the  ceremonial  drum,  uttering  a 
prayer  (No.  11)  which  simply  explains  his  action. 

The  conch  shell  is  then  blown  a  second  time  as  after  the 
depositing  of  th e  posol.  To  each  man  present  the  leader  next 
gives  two  palm  leaves  and  to  each  youth  a  single  leaf.  In 
some  of  the  rites  these  leaves  are  preserved  for  future  use. 
In  such  a  case  they  are  folded  together  and  tied  with  small 
shreds  of  the  leaf  (PI.  XXI,  Fig.l).  Usually,  however,  they 
are  for  immediate  use. 

In  the  daily  act  of  offering  posol  a  ceremonial  fire  is  not  made. 
The  ordinary  fire,  always  burning  in  the  sacred  hut,  is  used  to 
kindle  two  pine  sticks,  which  in  turn  are  employed  to  ignite  the 
copal  placed  inside  each  of  the  braseros.  There  is  no  chanting 


RELIGION  OF  TEE  LACANDONES 


121 


during  this  act.  A  fire  sending  out  dense  clouds  of  black 
smoke  is  soon  burning  in  each  olla. 

After  the  copal  is  all  kindled,  the  leader  asks  every  one  an 
implied  question  (No.  12)  requesting  permission  to  continue. 
He  then  takes  his  place,  together  with  his  son,  at  the  western 
side  of  the  line  of  blazing  braseros.  The  other  participants  in 
the  rite  also  gather  round  and  all  begin  their  individual 
chanting  (No.  13),  waving  at  the  same  time  the  leaves1  in  the 
smoke  of  the  burning  copal.  Every  one 
seems  to  repeat  the  same  chant,  but  it  is 
not  done  in  unison.  The  result  is  quite 
unintelligible  and  confusing.  The  same 
words  are  repeated  over  each  of  the  gods 
represented  by  the  idols  in  the  braseros. 

There  is  no  seeming  order  in  the  chant¬ 
ing.  At  intervals  the  men  rub  the  palm 
leaves  over  their  own  shoulders.  The 
copal  in  the  brasero  under  the  tree  at  the 
east  of  the  hut  is  also  lighted,  and  each 
person  goes  there  for  a  moment  and 
waves  his  leaves  in  the  smoke.  The 
chanting  does  not  cease  until  the  fires  have  begun  to  die  out 
in  the  ollas. 

Every  man  then  leaves  the  inclosure  and  goes  to  the  domes¬ 
tic  hut  where  the  women  and  children  are  gathered.  Each 
father  sits  down  behind  his  family,  chants,  and  taps  each  one 
with  the  palm  leaves  (PL  XXI,  Fig.  2).  These  are  the 
medium  by  which  the  efficient  and  healing  power  of  the  gods 
as  revealed  in  the  smoke  of  the  incense  is  carried  to  those 
who  need  it.  If  any  special  part  of  the  body  is  afflicted,  it  is 
tapped  and  rubbed  at  greater  length  with  the  leaves.  There 
seems  to  be  much  liberty  used  in  the  chant  given  at  the  same 
time  (No.  14).  It  varies  according  to  the  circumstances  and 
condition  of  the  person  in  whose  behalf  it  is  uttered. 


Tro-Cort.  56,  a. 


1  Figure  34  may  show  a  figure  carrying  a  bundle  of  these  leaves. 


122 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


At  the  completion  of  this  general  rite  over  the  members  of 
the  family,  the  men  return  to  the  inclosure,  and  a  second  admin¬ 
istration  of  posol  is  made  to  the  braseros  by  the  leader. 

The  daily  act  of  offering  posol  is  sometimes  varied  at  this 
point.  When  the  men  return  after  having  chanted  with  the 
leaves  before  the  members  of  the  family,  the  leader  sometimes 
brings  in  from  the  adjoining  shelter  two  jicaras  of  a  preparation 
made  of  cocoa  berries  and  beaten  into  a  froth.  He  distributes 
the  contents  of  the  two  gourds  among  the  jicaras  resting  in  front 
of  the  braseros  and  containing  posol.  This  is  all  done  in  silence. 
Instead  of  the  posol  as  in  the  shorter  rite,  this  cocoa,  which  re¬ 
mains  floating  on  the  top  of  the  latter,  is  administered  with  the 
long  spoon  to  the  heads  on  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  idols 
inside  the  bowl. 

Low  wooden  stools  are  arranged  in  a  semicircle  along  the 
eastern  side  of  the  hut  (7c,  Fig.  33)  and  the  men  occupy  them 
at  this  time,  all  facing  the  east.  The  leader  gives  each  man  a 
single  jicara  of  posol ,  or  of  the  posol  mixed  with  cocoa,  saying 
a  few  words  as  he  does  this  (No.  15). 

It  is  the  duty  of  every  one  to  answer,  Bai,  yes.  The  assistant 
then  gives  a  similar  gourd  to  the  giver  of  the  feast,  who  sits  in 
the  middle  (/,  Fig.  33),  and  he  is  addressed  with  the  same  for¬ 
mula  as  he,  in  his  turn,  had  addressed  to  the  others. 

Each  man  offers  the  contents  of  his  jicara  in  the  first  place  to 
the  gods  living  in  the  four  cardinal  points  by  spattering  a  small 
portion  from  the  end  of  his  spoon  and  chanting  (No.  16). 

As  has  been  stated,  it  is  one  of  the  obligations  of  a  feast  that 
every  one  shall  eat  and  drink  every  particle  of  the  offering  con¬ 
tained  in  the  gourd  given  him  by  the  leader.  The  inside  of  the 
jicara  is  even  cleaned  by  rubbing  the  hand  around  it,  and  the 
spoon  is  treated  in  the  same  way  until  not  a  drop  of  the  offering 
remains  unconsumed. 

Usually  no  more  than  the  immediate  family  take  part  in  this 
rite,  and  each  of  the  male  members  has  received  a  single  gourd 
of  the  posol.  There  still  remain,  therefore,  in  front  of  the  bra¬ 
seros  many  jicaras  of  the  offering.  From  these  a  third  adminis- 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANBONES 


123 


tration  is  made  to  the  sacred  alias  with  the  same  chant  (No.  7). 
These  gourds  are  then  distributed  among  the  men  by  the  leader, 
and  he  is  also  given  an  equal  number  by  the  assistant  in  addition 
to  the  one  which  had  rested  in  front  of  the  brasero  of  Usukun  at 
the  east  of  the  ceremonial  hut. 

The  men  then  carry  their  gourds  of  posol  which  they  cannot 
drink  outside  the  inclosure  to  their  families,  as  there  is  no  obli¬ 
gation  concerning  any  of  the  jicaras  except  the  first.  The  men 
return  to  the  sacred  hut  again  and  drink  what  they  had  saved 
out  for  themselves  (PI.  XXII,  Fig.  1).  On  starting  every  new 
gourd  of  the  offering,  the  contents  is  spattered  in  the  same  way 
as  the  first  had  been. 

The  posol  remaining  in  the  jicaras  after  every  one  of  the  family 
has  had  all  he  desires  is  poured  back  into  the  large  olla  where  it 
had  been  mixed,  and  this  is  consumed  during  the  day  and  night. 
During  the  progress  of  these  rites,  the  people  have  no  necessity 
of  preparing  food  other  than  the  posol  and  the  other  offerings 
directed  by  their  religion. 

At  least  twice  during  the  time  of  manufacture  of  the  new 
braseros ,  a  more  elaborate  rite  is  performed  before  the  old  in¬ 
cense-burners,  consisting  of  an  offering  of  baltse,  buliwa,  meat, 
and  fillets  of  bark 1  in  addition  to  the  regular  offering  of  posol 
just  described. 

The  posol  rite  comes  as  usual  in  the  morning,  and  in  the  late 
afternoon  the  other  offerings  are  made.  The  rite  often  lasts  far 
into  the  night. 

The  name  of  the  principal  food  or  drink  offered  in  the  cere¬ 
mony  is  used  roughly  to  designate  the  rite.  BaltSe  is  the  offering 
most  favored  by  the  gods.  This  is  a  fermented  drink  made  from 
the  bark  of  a  tree  called  baltse  (Spanish  pitarillaj ,  mixed  with 
wild  honey  or  sugar  cane  and  water.2  The  honey  employed 

1  See  list  of  offerings  made  to  the  gods,  note,  p.  102. 

2  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXII,  p.  122  :  “  Y  que  hazen  el  vino  de  miel  y  agua,  y 
cierta  raiz  de  un  arbol  que  para  esto  criavan  con  lo  qual  se  hazia  el  vino  fuerte  y 
muy  hediondo.” 

Cf.  also  Aguila,  1639,  p.  17  :  “  Los  Indios  naturales  dessa  Nueva-Espana  hazen 
un  cierto  vino  que  se  llama  Pulque,  en  lo  quae  dizque  en  los  tiempos  que  hazen 


124 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONKS 


is  usually  gathered  in  the  forest;  but  in  some  instances,  where 
special  devotion  is  desired,  hollow  logs  are  placed  in  one  corner 
of  the  sacred  hut,  and  into  this  the  bees  deposit  their  honey, 
which  is  afterwards  used  in  making  the  ceremonial  drink.  The 
honey  thus  made  is  never  used  by  the  people  with  their  daily 
food,  as  this  would  be  considered  a  sacrilegious  act.  This 
collection  of  honey  in  hollow  logs  made  for  the  purpose  is  com¬ 
mon  among  the  Mayas,  although  it  has  lost  its  ceremonial  sig¬ 
nificance.  Among  the  latter  people  the  god  of  the  bees  is 
called  Kananhoikan,  the  keeper  of  the  door  of  the  sky. 

In  appearance  the  baltse  is  milky  white,  sour  to  the  smell, 
and  at  first  very  disagreeable  to  the  taste.  It  contains  a  small 
per  cent  of  alcohol,  as  it  is  allowed  to  ferment.  Drunkenness, 
the  desired  result,  is  obtained  by  drinking  large  quantities.1 
The  early  accounts  speak  of  this  custom  of  drinking  large 
quantities  of  baltse  as  most  healthful,  and  that  after  the  com¬ 
mon  use  of  it  was  prohibited  by  the  Spaniards,  the  natives 
suffered  in  consequence.2 

Owing  to  the  necessity  of  fermentation,  the  baltse  must  be 

sus  fiestas,  y  en  todo  el  mas  tiempo  del  ano  echan  una  raiz,  que  ellos  siebran 
para  efeto  de  echar  en  el  dicho  vino,  y  para  le  fortificar,  y  tomar  mas  sabor  en 
ello,  con  el  qual  se  emborrachan  ;  y  assi  emborrachados  liazen  sus  ceremonias, 
y  sacrificios,  que  solian  hazer  antiguamente.” 

1  Cf.  Villagutierre,  Bk.  VIII,  Chap.  XII,  p.  498  :  “Losvarones  ■  •  •  gastavan 
lo  mas  deel  tiempo  en  idolatrar,  baylar,  y  emborracharse,  a  todashoras,  y  tiem- 
pos  con  los  fuertes  Brebages,  que  saben  confeccionar.” 

Cf.  also  “  Relacion  de  Dohot,  y  Cabecera  de  Tetzimin,”  Vol.  XIII,  p.  207: 
“  Hazian  un  vino  da  agua  e  myel  y  bechavan  una  rrayz  que  Hainan  balche  en  su 
lengua  y  hechavanlo  en  unos  vassos  de  palo  a  menera  de  artesas  grandes  que 
hazian  a  treynta  e  quarenta  e  a  cinquenta  arrobas  de  agua  e  cocia  e  hervia  alii 
dos  dias  ello  solo  por  si  e  haziase  una  cosa  muy  fuerte  y  que  olia  mal,  y  en  sus 
bayles  andando  baylando  les  y van  dando  desto  a  bever  en  unos  vasitos  pequenos 
y  a  menudo,  y  en  breve  espacio  se  emborrachavan.” 

2  Cf.  “  Relacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Valladolid,”  1900,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  28  :  “  Este 
vino  dicen  les  causaba  sanidad  porque  con  el  se  purgaban  los  cuerposy  lanzaban 
por  la  boca  muchas  lombrices,  criabanse  robustos  y  los  viejos  vivian  mucho 
tiempo  y  frescos.” 

Cf.  also  “  Relacidn  de  Tequite,”  1900,  Vol.  XI,  p.  106:  “No  biben  tanto 
agora  porque  los  rreligiosos  les  an  quitado  esta  custunbre  y  esto  a  sido  muy 
danoso  para  sus  saludes  aberselo  quitado  dizen  los  rreligiosos  que  se  embo- 
rachaban  con  este  bino  sobredicho.” 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACAN  BONES 


125 


made  before  the  day  set  for  the  rite  to  come  off.  A  large 
supply  of  the  bark  of  the  tree  is  collected  and  placed  in  one 
of  the  hollow  logs  made  for  the  purpose  and  situated  at  the 
east  of  the  sacred  hut  ( q ,  Fig.  33).  In  the  second  hollow 
log  (/>,  Fig.  33)  a  quantity  of  honey  or,  if  this  is  lacking,  a 
large  supply  of  sugar  cane  together  with  water  is  placed.  If 
the  sugar  cane  is  used,  the  whole  is  pounded  until  the  juice  is 
extracted  (PI.  XXII,  Fig.  2).  The  sirup  is  then  strained  and 
poured  into  the  log  containing  the  balt§e  bark.  The  log  is 
left  uncovered  (PL  XXII,  Fig.  3)  and  the  contents  allowed  to 
ferment,  sometimes  for  not  more  than  a  single  day.  After  the 
fermentation  has  gone  far  enough,  parallel  sticks  are  laid  across 
the  log  and  on  these  palm  leaves  are  laid.  The  rain  must  in  no 
way  reach  the  contents  of  the  log.  A  chant  is  made  before  the 
open  log  during  the  process  of  the  fermentation  (No.  17). 

A  few  hours  before  the  rite  is  to  begin  in  which  the  baltge 
is  to  be  offered  to  the  gods,  a  bit  of  copal  is  burned  in  a  piece 
of  bark  directly  in  front  of  the  log.  Five  grains  of  corn  are 
heated  in  the  fire  of  the  burning  copal ,  and  a  prayer  is  made 
(No.  18),  asking  the  gods  to  free  the  baltSe  from  the  evil  effects, 
as  regards  health  and  comfort,  produced  by  drinking  it. 

Preceding  the  opening  of  the  rite,  there  is  also  prepared,  on 
a  flat  and  thin  board  (batatle)  (PI.  XXIII,  Fig.  1)  with  a  handle 
on  one  side,  what  I  have  called  nodules  of  copal  (PI.  XXIV, 
Fig.  3).  In  one  case  there  were  eighty  of  these  arranged  in 
ten  parallel  rows  of  eight  each.  They  are  of  two 
forms  as  representing  the  two  sexes,  and  they  are 
offered  in  place  of  men  and  women  in  order  to  carry 
out  the  demands  of  the  rites.  Those  representing 
men  are  bidden  to  go  out  into  the  forests  and  pro-  fig.  35. 
cure  game  for  the  gods,  and  those  representing  Top  of  ma!e 

,  ,  .  ,  ,  "  nodule  of  copal. 

women  are  supposed  to  grind  the  corn  and  make 
the  different  offerings  presented  to  the  gods.  These  nodules 
are  made  first  in  the  form  of  a  truncated  cone  by  the  aid  of 
paddles  of  wood.  Those  male  in  sex  are  fashioned  by  placing 
a  small  ball  of  copal  in  the  center  of  the  flattened  top  of  the 


126 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


cone  and  then  completely  surrounding  this  with  eight  other 
small  and  round  bits  of  copal  (Figs.  35  and  36).  The  female 
nodules  (Fig.  37)  are  made  by  placing  three  flattened  round 
disks  of  the  gum,  one  on  top  of  the  other,  on  the  flattened  top 
of  the  nodule.  The  significance  of  these  sexual  characteristics 
is  not  clear.  Five  of  the  ten  rows  on  the  board  are  male  in  sex 
and  five  female.  They  are  arranged  alternately. 


Copal  nodules  used  by  the  Lacandones. 


Plate  XXIII,  Figs.  2  and  3,  shows  balls  of  copal  found  in  Yu¬ 
catan  and  with  little  doubt  a  remnant  of  the  former  culture  of  the 

Mayas.  They  are  painted 
with  a  greenish  blue  color. 
In  the  general  shape  and 
size  and  in  the  arrangement 
of  the  bits  of  gum  incrusting 
the  top,  there  is  a  striking 
similarity  to  the  male  nodule 
(Fig.  36)  offered  at  the 
present  time  to  the  gods  of 
the  Lacandones. 

Large  masses  of  the  gum 
in  low  bowls  have  been 
found  in  connection  with  archaeological  work  in  Yucatan.  On 
the  top  of  many  of  these  offerings  of  incense  the  gum  is 


Fig.  38. 
Dres.  11,  b. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


127 


Fig.  39. 

Tro-Cort.  102,  b. 


arranged  in  the  same  checkered  fashion  as  on  the  smaller 
nodules.1 

In  front  of  several  of  the  nodules  of  copal ,  as  arranged  on 
the  flat  board,  there  is  placed  a  crude  resemblance  to  a  human 
figure  made  of  the  gum  of  the 
wild  rubber  tree.  There  seems  to 
be  no  general  plan  of  the  position 
of  the  nodules  before  which  the 
figures  are  placed,  nor  is  there  any 
distinction  in  the  figures  them¬ 
selves  as  to  sex.  Rubber  in  a 
crude  form  is  a  frequent  offering 
of  the  Lacandones.2  It  is  often 
mixed  with  the  copal  and  both 
placed  in  a  rough  mass  in  the  incense-burners.  Balls  of  rubber 
are  often  found  embedded  in  the  ancient  masses  of  copal  found 
in  excavations,  so  that  here  again  we  find  survivals  of  ancient 

materials  and  forms. 

The  copal  nodules  arranged  on  the 
board  are  called  sil,  a  gift.3  This  is  the 
same  name  given  to  the  braseritos  which 
are  made  at  the  same  time  as  the  new 
braseros  and  form  a  part  of  the  renewal 
rite.  Both  are  designated  as  to  sex,  and 
both  are  used  in  the  light  of  servants  to 
aid  the  gods  in  carrying  out  the  de¬ 
mands  made  upon  them  by  the  giver  of 
the  feast. 

As  soon  as  the  nodules  have  been  made  and  arranged  as  de¬ 
scribed  on  the  board,  a  small  piece  of  copal ,  resting  on  a  bit  of 
bark,  is  burned  and  waved  in  the  air  over  the  nodules.  This 
is  to  purify  them  and  cause  them  to  assume  consciousness  as 


Fig.  40. 
Tro-Cort.  62,  a. 


1  Cf.  Fig.  38,  from  the  Dresden  Codex,  which  may  show  these  bowls  of  copal. 

2  Cf.  Fig.  39,  from  the*  Tro-Cortesianus,  which  may  show  a  skirted  figure 
gathering  the  sap  from  a  rubber  tree. 

3  The  Spanish  word  gente,  people,  is  given  both  to  the  nodules  and  to  the 
braseritos. 


128 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


shown  by  the  chant  (No.  19).  The  board  is  then  put  aside  to 
be  used  later  in  the  celebration  of  the  rite. 

The  jar  described  as  facing  the  line  of  ollas  and  resting  on 
the  carpet  of  leaves  (PI.  XXIV,  Fig.  2)  is  filled  with  baltge 
contained  in  the  hollow  log.1  A  loosely  woven  cloth  is  used 
as  a  strainer  to  keep  the  liquid  free  of  pieces  of  the  baltie  bark. 

Vessels  made  of  the  shell  of  a  kind  of  squash  and  filled  with 
an  offering  of  buliwa  are  next  brought  in  and  placed  in  front 
of  the  line  of  braseros.2 

Buliwa3  is  a  square  and  flat  tamale  made  of  corn  and  frejoles 
and  folded  in  a  palm  leaf.  These  form  one  of  the  common 
offerings  to  the  gods. 

At  this  time  there  is  also  brought  in  from  the  adjoining 
shelter  a  single  jicara  containing  a  paste  made  of  ground  cocoa 
berries.  The  board  of  nodules  finds  a  place  in  the  middle 
resting  on  two  of  the  dishes  containing  buliwa  (as  in  the  rite 
shown  in/,  Fig.  33).  The  handle  points  to  the  south  and  it  is 
tied  by  a  palm  leaf  to  the  other  leaves  on  which  the  braseros 
and  the  offerings  rest.  When  the  board  is  to  be  used,  it  is 
carefully  untied.  At  the  north  and  south  side  of  the  board  of 
nodules  there  is  an  ear  of  coni.  This  is  to  guard  the  copal 
from  the  evil  spirits  who  might  otherwise  come  and  carry  away 
some  of  the  nodules. 

After  these  preparations  have  been  completed,  the  wife  of 
the  leader  4  enters  the  sacred  hut  with  a  wooden  beater  used  in 
beating  the  native  chocolate  to  a  froth.  The  gourd  containing 
the  ground  cocoa  is  handed  her  together  with  a  single  jicara  of 
posol  which  has  been  brought  in.  With  the  beater  she  makes 
a  thick  foam  of  the  posol  and  cocoa,  a  part  of  which  she  places 
in  each  of  the  jicaras  gathered  around  the  jar  (g,  Fig.  33),  as 
her  husband  fills  them  with  the  baltse  contained  in  the  jar. 

1  Figure  40,  p.  127,  may  show  one  of  these  jars. 

2  The  number  of  alias  of  buliwa  and  meat  varies.  There  is  usually  no  more 
than  one  vessel  of  each  for  each  of  the.  braseros. 

3  More  correctly  it  is  written  buuliwa  from  buul ,  frejole,  wa,  tortilla. 

4  If,  as  in  many  cases,  there  is  more  than  one  wife,  it  is  the  oldest  who 
officiates. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


129 


A  gourd  thus  filled  with  the  ceremonial  drink  and  the  foaming 
cocoa  is  placed  in  front  of  each  of  the  braseros  to  the  ac¬ 
companiment  of  a  chant  (No.  20). 

This  act  exhausts  the  contents  of  the  jar,  which  is  again  filled 
from  the  hollow  log.  The  wife  beats  up  more  cocoa,  which  she 
places  on  the  top  of  a  second  set  of  jicaras  as  they  are  filled 
with  baltSe.  These  are  placed  in  front  of  the  line  of  incense- 
burners  between  them  and  the  vessels  containing  the  buliwa. 
A  third  jicara  containing  baltge  and  the  preparation  of  cocoa  is 
immediately  given  to  each  of  the  braseros ,  and  the  same  chant 
is  repeated  as  at  the  placing  of  the  first  and  second  set  of 
gourds. 

Strips  of  bark  pounded  out  thin  over  a  log  by  means  of 
a  grooved  stick  are  a  frequent  offering  to  the  gods  (PI.  XIX, 
Fig.  4).  The  bark  is  cut  about  an  inch  wide  and  soaked  in 
a  mixture  of  water  and  the  wood  of  the  Palo  mulatto  (tgakai). 
This  gives  a  pinkish  color  to  the  strips.  Several  pieces  of  the 
bark,  cut  about  three  feet  long,  are  tied  around  the  rims  of  the 
braseros,  and  a  chant  describing  the  act  is  given  (No.  21).  Each 
of  the  strips  seems  to  be  placed  in  behalf  of  some  one  in  the 
encampment.  A  piece  of  the  bark  is  also  tied  around  the  drum 
and  another  around  the  neck  of  the  jar  containing  baltge  (PL 
XXIV,  Fig.  2). 

Up  to  this  time  the  gourds  containing  the  ceremonial  drink 
have  simply  been  placed  in  front  of  the  line  of  braseros.  The 
contents  are  now  administered  to  the  heads  on  the  incense- 
burners.  The  leader  does  this  with  a  roll  or  cigarette  made  of 
palm  leaves,  by  dipping  it  into  each  of  the  gourds,  after  which 
he  places  it  on  the  lower  lip  of  the  brasero.  He  chants  (No.  22) 
during  this  operation. 

He  then  takes  an  empty  jicara  and  partially  fills  it  by  dipping 
the  roll  of  leaves  into  all  the  gourds  of  baltse  in  front  of  the 
braseros.  With  the  gourd  thus  filled,  he  goes  to  the  east  of  the 
sacred  hut  and  spatters  the  contents  from  the  end  of  the  roll  of 
leaves  into  the  air  in  the  several  directions  where  the  gods  are 
thought  to  live.  This  is  done  in  quite  the  same  manner  and 


130 


MA  YAS  AND  LACANDONES 


for  the  same  purpose  as  the  posol  is  thrown  in  the  air  in  the  rite 
of  the  morning.  The  chant  is  also  about  the  same  (No.  23). 

The  braseros  remaining  on  the  shelf  and  the  drum  are  also 
fed  from  the  jicara  containing  a  few  drops  from  the  baltse  in 
each  of  the  gourds  in  front  of  the  incense-burners. 

To  each  man  and  boy  who  occupy  seats  around  the  leader, 
a  gourd  of  baltse  is  given  from  those  around  the  jar.  The 
leader  addresses  (No.  24)  each  person  as  he  stands  over  him 
with  a  vessel  of  the  liquid.  The  recipient  answers  him  with  a 
set  formula  (No.  25).  To  the  members  of  his  family  the 
leader  uses  slightly  different  words  (  No.  26).  The  latter  then 
takes  his  seat  behind  the  jar  of  baltse  (PL  XXIV,  Fig.  1),  and 
his  chief  assistant  arises  and  takes  another  jicara  from  those 
around  the  jar.  This  he  places  in  the  hands  of  the  leader  as 
he  utters  the  same  sentence  as  the  other  had  given  (No.  26) 
before  the  members  of  his  family. 

Every  one  holds  his  gourd  in  both  hands  until  the  leader,  by 
dipping  his  fingers  in  the  jicara  given  him,  spatters  a  small  parti¬ 
cle  of  the  baltse  in  the  several  directions.  There  is  a  short  prayer 
(No.  27)  made  at  the  time.  After  he  has  done  this,  the  others 
follow  liis  example,  and  all  drink  the  contents  of  their  jicaras. 

The  women  of  the  encampment  together  with  those  who 
have  come  from  the  neighboring  settlements  now  enter  the 
inclosure  and  take  their  places  at  the  northern  or  southern 
sides  of  the  sacred  hut.  The  leader  gives  to  each  one  a  jicara 
of  baltse  filled  directly  from  the  jar,  after  having  taken  a  sip 
from  each  one.  He  chants  (No.  24)  as  he  has  done  before  the 
men.  The  women  retire  soon  after  with  their  gifts. 

By  this  time  the  jar  is  empty  and  it  is  refilled  again  from  the 
log.  From  the  gourds  around  the  jar  the  braseros  are  admin¬ 
istered  baltse,  after  which  the  leader  blows  the  shell  trumpet  at 
the  east  of  the  hut. 

The  vessels  containing  the  buliwa  are  held  up,  two  at  a  time, 
b}r  the  leader,1  and  offered  to  the  gods  in  a  chant  (No.  28), 

1  In  one  of  the  rites  witnessed  a  single  small  gourd  containing  meat  was 
brought  in  at  this  time,  and  from  this  a  small  particle  of  meat  was  placed  by 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


131 


which  differs  greatly  from  those  previously  given  in  the  mode 
of  its  delivery.  It  is  given  much  more  slowly  and  there  is 
more  rhythm.  The  words  and  syllables  are  joined  together, 
and  others  seem  to  be  added  to  fill  out  the  measure.  It  is  very 
difficult  to  give  a  satisfactory  translation 
of  this  slow  chant. 

The  three  jicaras  of  baltSe  in  front  of 
each  of  the  braseros  have,  up  to  this  time, 
remained  untouched.  They  are  now  held 
up,  two  at  a  time,  and  offered  to  the 
gods.  A  chant,  as  usual,  accompanies 
this  act  (No.  29). 

The  board  on  which  the  nodules  are  Fig.  41. 

arranged  is  now  taken  up  by  the  assist-  Tro-Cort.  81,  b. 
ant  and  pointed  toward  every  one  present.  He  repeats  at  the 
same  time  a  short  formula  (No.  30).  He  then  takes  the  board 
to  the  east  of  the  hut  (PI.  XXIV,  Fig.  3),  where,  holding  it  by 

the  handle,  he  extends  it  at  arm’s 
length  to  the  east  and  also  to  the 
south,  the  west,  and  the  north.  At 
certain  intervals,  he  runs  and  faces  , 
the  braseros  in  the  hut  as  he  utters 
a  spirited  chant  (No.  31). 1 

During  this  act  the  drum  is 
usually  beaten  by  a  boy,  who  sits 
on  the  ground  behind  it  and  strikes 
the  head  with  the  palms  of  his  hands.  The  leader  often  sits  at 
this  time  at  the  northwest  corner  of  the  hut,  singing  softly  to 
the  accompaniment  of  the  ceremonial  rattle,  which  he  shakes2 

the  leader  on  the  month  of  each  of  the  braseros.  The  chant  was  the  same  as  when 
all  the  dishes  of  meat  were  brought  in  (No.  34).  After  the  incense-burners  had 
been  administered  to,  a  portion  of  the  meat  was  thrown  in  the  air  at  the  east  of 
the  hut,  followed  by  an  offering  to  the  braseros  on  the  shelf  and  to  the  drum. 

1  Figures  41  and  42  may  represent  the  boards  of  nodules,  although  this  is  not 
at  all  certain.  The  knotted  design  in  Fig.  42  is  found  upon  some  ancient  shallow 
bowls  in  which  remains  of  copal  were  found. 

2  This  is  not  an  essential  part  of  the  rite.  It  is  one  of  the  ways  in  which  the 
leader  shows  his  religious  fervor. 


Fig.  42. 

Tro-Cort.  101,  c. 


132 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


(Fig.  19,  p.  75).  The  decoration  on  the  rattle  is  made  of  holes 
and  lines  of  black  and  red  paint.  There  is  no  set  song  or  chant 
used  with  it  at  this  time. 

While  the  assistant  is  at  the  east  of  the  hut  with  the  board  of 
copal ,  a  second  helper  administers  a  potion  of  baltse  to  all  the  men 
present  from  a  single  jicara  containing  a  small  quantity  from 
each  of  the  gourds  around  the  jar.  The  assistant  then  returns 
to  the  hut  with  the  board  of  nodules.  In  the  same  manner  as  at 
the  east  of  the  hut,  he  points  the  board  at  each  man  present  and 
utters  the  same  formula  (No.  31).  After  he  has  pointed  it, 
furthermore,  in  the  several  directions  in  the  air,  he  stands  be¬ 
fore  the  line  of  braseros  and  the  rows  of  offerings  and  chants 
(No.  32).  The  prayer  is  slow  and  dignified  and  is  the  same  in 
character  as  that  given  when  the  vessels  of  buliwa  are  offered. 

During  the  preceding  chant,  a  second  potion  from  the  single 
gourd  of  baltse  is  given  to  the  leader  and  the  other  male  partici¬ 
pants  in  the  rite. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  slow  chant  with  the  copal  nodules, 
the  braseros  are  again  administered  baltse  from  that  contained 
in  the  jicaras  around  the  jar.  The  chant  (No.  22)  is  the  same 
as  at  the  previous  occasions  when  baltse  was  placed  on  the  lips 
of  the  incense-burners.  A  jicara  is  also  taken  to  the  east,  where 
some  of  the  contents  is  spattered  in  the  several  directions  in 
which  the  gods  live.  The  head  on  the  drum  and  the  braseros 
on  the  shelf  are  also  finally  fed. 

The  leader  than  takes  the  board  of  copal  and  goes  to  the 
western  side  of  the  line  of  braseros.  With  a  stick  moistened  in 
baltse,  he  removes  from  the  board  one  by  one  the  nodules  of  the 
gum  and  distributes  them  in  the  bowls  of  the  incense-burners. 
He  places  some  in  the  center  of  each  olla,  after  holding  each  one 
for  a  moment  before  the  mouth  of  the  figure  on  the  bowl  in 
which  it  is  to  rest.  Much  partiality  is  shown  in  this  distribu¬ 
tion.  The  braseros  of  the  most  important  of  the  gods  receive 
five  or  six  of  the  nodules,  whereas  those  of  some  of  the  less  im¬ 
portant  deities  receive  only  one  or  two.  A  chant  (No.  33)  is 
given  during  this  operation. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


133 


The  leader  now  brings  from  the  adjoining  hut,  where  all  the 
offerings  are  prepared,  dishes  or  ollas  filled  with  the  roasted 
meat  of  a  monkey  (PI.  XXY,  Fig.  1),  placing  them  at  first  in 
front  of  the  ollas  of  buliwa.  Afterwards  he  holds  up  each  dish 
in  turn  as  he  chants  (No.  31). 

After  the  large  dishes  of  meat  have  thus  been  placed  before 
the  braseros ,  the  jar  is  again  filled  from  the  reservoir  of  baltSe 
in  the  hollow  log  and  brought  back  to  its  place.  At  each  refill¬ 
ing  of  the  jar  there  must  be  a  consecration  of  its  contents  to  the 
gods  before  any  can  be  distributed  among  those  present.  So  it 
follows  that  an  administration  of  this  new  baltse  must  be  made 
(Chant  No.  22).  This  time  some  of  the  foamed  cocoa  is  added 
to  the  jicaras  as  they  are  filled  with  baltge.  Some  of  the  con¬ 
tents  of  every  new  jar  of  the  liquid  must  also  be  spattered  at  the 
east  of  the  hut,  as  well  as  offered  to  the  drum  and  the  braseros 
on  the  shelf.1 

After  the  baltse  in  the  jar  has  thus  been  consecrated  by  an  of¬ 
fering  to  the  sacred  ollas ,  a  libation  to  the  east,  to  the  braseros 
on  the  shelf,  and  to  the  drum,  jicaras  are  filled  and  distributed 
by  the  leader  to  all  those  present.  As  each  person  receives  his 
gourd  a  short  prayer  is  said  as  before  (No.  24).  The  leader  is 
given  his  baltSe  by  the  assistant,  and  it  is  the  latter  who  spatters 
a  particle  with  his  fingers  toward  the  several  points  of  the  com¬ 
pass  where  the  gods  are  supposed  to  reside. 

After  a  considerable  period  of  drinking,  in  which  many  of  the 
gourds  are  refilled  from  the  jar,  new  fire  is  kindled  by  the  leader 
and  his  assistant  working  together  (PI.  XXY,  Fig.  2).  This 
is  done  by  the  simple  “  two-stick  ”  method,  the  wooden  drill 
twisted  between  the  palms  and  revolving  in  the  notch  of  a  hori¬ 
zontal  stick  of  softer  wood.  The  lower  stick  or  “  hearth  ”  has 

1  At  this  point  the  assistant  sometimes  fills  a  jicara  with  the  liquid  from  the 
jar  and,  with  a  smaller  one,  he  dips  out  a  little  and  administers  it  to  the  leader, 
saying  at  the  same  time  a  few  words  (No.  35),  which  are  answered.  The  giver 
of  the  feast  then  takes  the  gourd  of  baltse  together  with  the  smaller  one  and  re¬ 
peats  the  act  with  all  those  present.  This  rite  is  only  another  way  of  conse¬ 
crating  the  baltse  in  the  jar  by  taking  a  part  for  the  whole.  This  takes  the 
place  of  offering  it  to  the  gods  on  the  end  of  the  roll  of  leaves. 


134 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


no  gutter  running  from  tire  notch  to  the  edge,  as  is  often  the 
case  in  this  form  of  fire-drill.  By  friction  the  tinder,  placed 
beneath  the  horizontal  stick,  is  heated  and  finally  kindled. 
Among  the  Lacandones  the  tinder  consists  of  shavings  of  log¬ 
wood  resting  in  a  corn  husk.  As  soon  as  the  fire  is  kindled, 
it  is  handed  to  the  wife,  who  enters  at  this  time  and  whose  duty 
it  is  to  light,  by  means  of  it,  the  wood  already  prepared.  This 
whole  ceremony  of  making  new  lire  finds  an  interesting  parallel 
in  several  of  the  rites  mentioned  by  Landa.  Burning  of  copal 
and  the  offering  of  food  are  also  the  common  features  in  the 
early  ceremonies  of  the  Mayas.1 

During  the  operation  of  making  the  new  fire,  the  leader  hands 
to  his  assistant  two  palm  leaves  and  to  every  other  man  and  boy 
present  a  single  leaf.  In  the  camp  fire  kindled  by  the  wife,  the 
leader  then  lights  two  pine  sticks  and  with  these  he  sets  fire  to 
the  nodules  of  copal  in  the  incense-burners.  During  this  opera¬ 
tion  every  one  turns  his  back  to  the  altar  where  it  is  being  done. 
The  bands  of  colored  bark  are  taken  from  around  the  rim  of  the 
sacred  ollas  and  placed  in  the  palm  leaves  behind  during  the 
burning  of  the  copal. 

The  leader,  closely  followed  by  the  assistant  and  then  by  all 
the  others,  goes  behind  and  to  the  western  side  of  the  row  of 
braseros.  Holding  the  palm  leaves  in  the  smoke  of  the  incense, 
they  all  chant  (No. 13)  as  at  a  similar  time  during  the  offering 
of  posol.  The  assistant  administers  a  potion  of  baltse  in  a 
small  jicara  to  the  men  and  boys  as  they  are  thus  engaged. 
After  the  fires  have  begun  to  die  out  in  the  braseros ,  each 
leaves  the  inclosure  and  goes  to  the  domestic  hut,  where  the 
rite  over  the  family  is  carried  out  as  described  before  (p.  121). 

After  the  more  personal  rite  has  been  performed  over  the 

1  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XL,  p.  300:  “Y  abaxo  en  el  patio  tendian  todos  cada 
uno  sus  idolos  sobre  hojas  de  arboles  que  para  ello  avia,  y  sacada  lumbre  nueva, 
comengavan  a  quemar  en  muchas  partes  de  su  encienso,  y  a  hazer  ofrendas  de 
comidas  guisadas.” 

Also  ibid.,  Chap.  XL,  p.  280  :  “  Comengavan  todos  sus  oraciones  devotas  y  los 
chaces  sacavan  lumbre  nueva ;  quemavan  el  encienso  al  demonio  y  el  sacerdote 
commemjava  a  echar  su  encienso  en  el  brasero.” 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANBONES 


135 


members  of  the  families  of  the  participants,  the  men  return  to 
the  sacred  hut,  and  the  low  shallow  vessels  containing  the  meat 
are  offered  to  the  gods  by  the  leader.  He  stands  facing  the 
braseros  as  he  recites  a  chant  (No.  36),  which  in  character  is 
the  same  as  that  offered  when  the  board  of  nodules  is  presented 
to  the  gods.  It  is  slow,  dignified,  and  measured,  and  there  seems 
to  be  even  a  greater  disregard  for  grammatical  structure  than 
in  the  ordinary  chants.  It  is  impossible  to  obtain  equivalents 
for  many  of  the  words.  They  are  probably  terms  whose  mean¬ 
ing  has  long  been  lost. 

The  different  offerings  still  remain  to  be  administered  (p.  121). 
The  leader  places  a  particle  of  the  meat  and  a  pinch  from  the 
middle  (oubuliwa)  of  some  of  the  tamales  on  the  lip  or  mouth 
of  each  of  the  clay  heads  on  the  braseros ,  paying,  as  usual, 
special  attention  to  the  ollas  of  the  most  important  of  the  gods 
by  giving  them  the  offering  several  times.  Taking  a  small 
particle  of  corn  from  the  middle  of  two  or  three  of  the  buliwa 
in  each  dish  seems  to  consecrate  all  the  contents  of  the  vessels. 
The  leader  recites  a  chant  (No.  37)  throughout  this  whole  rite. 

At  the  conclusion  of  giving  the  offering  to  the  braseros  in 
behalf  of  the  gods,  the  leader  takes  a  particle  from  one  of  the 
tamales  and  a  small  portion  of  meat  and  gives  this  part  of  the 
offering  to  the  brasero  of  Usukun  at  the  east  of  the  sacred 
hut.  The  leader  next  throws  a  minute  portion  of  the  combi¬ 
nation  of  the  meat  and  the  buliwa  into  the  air  at  the  east  of 
the  inclosure.  The  other  points  of  the  compass  also  receive  an 
offering.  The  chant  (No.  38)  is  the  same  as  that  given  when 
the  balt§e  is  thrown  into  the  air  at  the  east  of  the  house. 

The  heads  on  the  sacred  ollas  are  still  again  and  for  the  last 
time  fed  with  the  baltse  from  the  end  of  the  palm  leaves. 
The  chant  (No.  22)  is  the  same  as  before.  A  jicara  of  the 
liquid  is  given  to  each  of  the  men  present.  Each  is  invited  to 
drink  (No.  24)  by  the  leader,  and  they  all  spatter  a  portion  of 
the  baltse  as  an  offering  to  the  gods  before  they  drink  any. 

After  the  gourds  given  to  the  participants  are  emptied,  they 
are  refilled  by  the  leader  from  the  jar  in  front  of  him.  No 


136 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


order  seems  now  to  be  observed  in  the  drinking.  Some  drink 
jicara  after  jicara  almost  without  stopping.  Every  one,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  of  the  women,  seems  to  think  it  his  duty 
to  become  intoxicated.1  The  younger  boys  are  no  exception  to 
the  rule.  Many  are  naturally  sick,  but  this  seems  only  to  be  a 
reason  for  drinking  more.  There  is  no  disorder  as  might  be 
expected.  Every  one  goes  about  it  in  a  most  solemn  manner 
as  a  religious  duty  to  perform.  Those  intoxicated  sing  and 


dance  a  little,  but  there  is  no  quarreling.  This  is  explained  by 
the  fact  that  the  gods  are  said  to  dislike  anything  of  the  sort. 

At  this  time,  when  in  a  state  of  intoxication  and  as  an  act  es¬ 
pecially  pleasing  to  the  gods,  the  ear  is  sometimes  pierced  with 
a  stone  arrow  point  and  the  blood  allowed  to  drip  down  upon 
the  braseros  containing  the  idols.  This  custom  seems  to  be 
dying  out,  as  it  is  only  the  oldest  men  who  carry  it  out.  It 
was  a  common  practice  among  both  the  early  Nahuas  and  Mayas 
to  draw  blood  from  various  parts  of  the  body,  but  more  espe¬ 
cially  from  the  ear.2 


1  Cf.  Lancia,  1864,  Chap.  XXXVII,  p.  226  :  “  Se  juntavana  hazer  sacrificios  y 
offrendas  al  demonio,  y  a  hazer  una  soleinne  boracliera  todos ;  ca  era  fiesta  gen¬ 
eral  y  obligatoria.” 

Also  ibid. ,  Chap.  XL,  p.  266:  “Alla  tenian  gran  fiesta,  y  en  ello  se  embor- 
achavan  los  senores  y  sacerdotes,  y  las  principales.” 

Margil,  1696,  refers  to  the  compulsory  drunkenness. 

2Cf.  Landa,  1864,  Chap.  XXXVIII,  p.  232  :  “  Despues  de  hecliotoda  braza,  la 
allanavan  y  tendian  muy  tendida  y  juntos  los  que  avian  bailado,  avia  algunos 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANHONES 


137 


In  addition  to  the  obligatory  drunkenness  and  the  piercing 
of  the  ear,  there  is  another  act  sometimes  performed  by  the 
Lacandones  of  the  present  time  and  clearly  a  survival.  If  the 
natives  are  in  a  state  of  sufficient  zeal  and  ecstasy,  they  place 
their  bodies  over  the  burning  copal  as  they 
offer  up.  their  chants  to  the  gods.1 

After  the  drinking  has  kept  up  for 
some  time,  the  acts  of  the  ceremony  are 
again  taken  up.  The  shallow  dishes  of 
buliwa  and  the  ollas  of  meat  are  now  dis¬ 
tributed  among  the  men  and  boys  present. 

There  is  a  short  formula  (No.  39)  given 
at  the  time.  The  leader  now  exchanges  a 
tamale  from  those  in  front  of  him  with 
every  other  person,  and  the  others  do  the 
same  with  each  other  so  that  every  man  has  a  tamale  from 
the  dish  of  every  other  person.  The  meat  is  not  divided  in 
this  way. 

que  se  ponian  a  passar  descalgos  y  desnudos  como  ellos  andavan  por  encima  de 
aquella  braza  de  una  parte  a  otra  y  passavan  algunos  sin  lesion,  otros  abra9ados, 
y  otros  medio  quemados,  y  en  esto  creian  estava  el  remedio  de  sus  miserias  y  nalos 
agueros,  y  pensavan  era  este  su  servicio  muy  agradable  a  sus  dioses.” 

Also  ibid.,  Chap.  XXVIII,  p.  160  :  “  Que  hazian  sacrificios  con  propia  sangre 
unas  vezes,  cortandose  las  (orejas)  a  la  reconda  por  peda^os  y  alii  los  dexavan 
en  senal.” 

Ibid.,  Chap.  XXXV,  p.  214 :  “  Otros  derramavan  sangre,  cortandose  las  orejas, 
y  untando  con  ella  una  piedra  que  alii  tenian  de  un  demonio  Kanal-Acantun.” 

Ibid.,  Chap.  XL,  p.  308:  “  rnetian  consque  se  sajar  o  sacar  sangre  de  las  orejas.” 

Cf.  Aguilar,  1639,  p.  81. 

Mrs.  Nuttall,  1904,  treats  the  subject  of  blood  offering  in  Mexico  exhaustively. 
She  gives  a  group  of  figures  from  the  Maya  Codex,  Tro-Cortesianus  (p.  95), 
which  I  reproduce  (Fig.  43).  There  are  three  men  and  one  woman  in  the  act 
of  piercing  the  ear  with  a  stone  knife  and  allowing  the  blood  to  stream  down 
into  what  seem  to  be  bowls.  Mrs.  Nuttall  calls  to  mind  the  fact  that  Landa 
states  that  the  women  did  not  make  blood  offering,  and  yet  here  we  find  one 
pictured  as  carrying  out  this  act  of  devotion. 

1  Cf.“  Relacion  de  Valladolid,”  1900,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  27  :  “Y  por  todas  cuatro 
partes  del  fuego  hacia  sus  cirimonias  y  rociaba  con  el  las  brasas,  y  luego  man- 
daba  le  quitasen  los  alpargatas  y  entraba  por  encima  de  la  braza  rociando,  y  tras 
el  toda  la  procesion  de  yndios,  y  pasaba  este  alquin  sin  se  hacer  mal  alguno.” 

Figure  44  indicates  drunkenness  according  to  Forstemann  (1902,  p.  149). 


138 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


Before  eating  any  of  the  offering,  the  contents  of  each  vessel 
is  further  consecrated  by  throwing  a  particle  of  the  meat  and 
of  the  buliwa  into  the  air  to  the  four  cardinal  points  to  the  ac¬ 
companiment  of  a  short  prayer  (No.  40). 

After  this,  the  wives  and  children  join  the  men  in  the  sacred 
hut  and  a  general  feasting  begins.1 

If  any  baltse  still  remains  in  the  hollow  log,  it  must  be  con¬ 
sumed  before  the  rite  is  declared  ended.  In  such  a  case  the 
jar  is  refilled  and  from  this  jicara  after  jicara  is  filled  and  given 
to  the  participants.  This  is  carried  out  until  there  is  no  more 
baltse  remaining  in  the  log,  the  jar,  or  the  jicaras.  The  rite 
then  ends. 

The  bands  of  fiber  bark  which  have  been  replaced  around 
the  edge  of  the  braseros  after  the  copal  had  burned  out  remain 
in  the  same  position  during  the  night.  In  the  morning  they 
are  taken  off  by  the  leader  and  tied  around  the  foreheads  of 
the  participants  of  the  rite  (PI.  XXVI,  Fig.  1).  These  are 
worn  for  the  remainder  of  the  day. 

This  rite  of  offering  baltse,  buliwa,  meat,  and  the  bark  fillets 
is  a  very  common  one  among  the  Lacandones.  It  is  celebrated 
not  only  in  behalf  of  the  old  incense-burners  which  are  about  to 
be  superseded,  but  it  is  also  undertaken  before  the  new  braseros 
and  at  frequent  intervals  throughout  the  year.  There  are 
many  variations  in  minor  details,  but  there  is  a  general  order 
to  the  succession  of  the  different  acts. 

On  the  day  when  the  new  incense-burners  are  completed 
there  is  an  offering  of  posol  made  to  the  old  braseros  both  in  the 
morning  and  again  in  the  afternoon.  The  rite  does  not  differ 
from  that  described  (p.  118)  as  taking  place  daily  during  the 
manufacture  of  the  new  ollas.  The  chants  (No.  41)  alone 
differ  slightly. 

Towards  evening  of  this  last  day  the  new  braseros  and  the 
smaller  ollas  or  braseritos  used  in  carrying  out  the  rite  of 
installation  are  brought  into  the  sacred  hut  from  the  shelter  in 

1  Cf,  Lancia,  1864,  Chap.  XL,  p.  280  :  “Despues  deste saumerio  comian  entre 
todos  las  dones  y  presentes  y  andava  el  vino,  haste  que  se  hazian  unas  unas.” 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACAN  BONES 


139 


the  fields  where  they  have  been  made.1  There  is  a  brasero  to 
replace  each  of  those  which  are  supposed  to  die  at  this  time.2 
There  seems  to  be  no  fixed  rule  concerning  the  number  of 
braseritos 3  to  be  made  and  used  in  the  rite. 

This  seems  to  depend  on  the  time  at  the  dis¬ 
posal  of  those  who  give  the  feast,  upon  their 
inclination  in  the  matter  as  regards  the  ne¬ 
cessity  of  propitiating  the  gods,  and  on  the 
state  of  the  harvest. 

The  old  braseros  are  filled  to  overflowing 
with  the  remains  of  the  copal  burned  in  all 
the  previous  rites  of  the  year.4 
All  vestiges  of  the  colors  of 
the  former  decoration  have 
long  since  vanished,  and  they 
appear  as  blackened  masses  of  burned  pitch  (PI. 
XX,  Fig.  3)  which  almost  covers  the  formerly 
well-defined  head  on  the  edge  of  the  bowl.  All 
this  copal  ash  is  carefully  removed  and  the  stone 
idol  resting  on  the  bottom  is  extracted.  This 
is  all  done  to  the  accompaniment  of  a  chant  (No.  42).  These 
idols  are  regarded  with  the  greatest  possible  reverence,  and  as 

1  Figure  45  may  show  the  bringing  in  of  the  new  braseros  wrapped  up  in 
palm  leaves. 

2  In  one  of  the  two  renewal  ceremonies  witnessed,  in  addition  to  the  seven 
large  braseros  made  to  replace  the  seven  of  the  encampment,  there  were  two 
others  representing  Aqantsob  and  Yumkanasabak.  Thus  these  two  gods 
had  two  sets  of  braseros  consecrated  in  the  rite,  one  set  belonging  to  those  of  the 
encampment  where  the  ceremony  was  being  carried  out  and  the  other  to  the 
braseros  of  another  settlement.  It  was  in  this  second  camp  that  the  nephew 
resided,  the  son  of  the  oldest  brother  who  was  dead,  and  the  two  extra  braseros 
were  for  him,  as  in  this  latter  settlement  there  was  no  renewal  rite  performed 
that  year.  Two  of  the  old  braseros  with  their  idols,  representing  AqantSob 
and  Yumkanasabak,  had  been  brought  over  to  the  former  camp  and  here  the 
incense-burners  had  been  renewed  and  consecrated  in  the  rites. 

3  For  the  number  of  braseritos  made  in  the  ceremonies  witnessed,  see  p.  107. 

4  Figure  46  may  show  the  incense-burner  containing  the  idol,  which  is  com¬ 
pletely  covered  with  the  remains  of  the  copal.  In  this  case  the  head  of  God  C, 
according  to  Forstemann’s  designation,  would  possibly  be  the  idol,  and  the  scroll 
figure  on  the  upper  part  of  the  bowl  would  stand  for  the  face  on  the  brasero. 


Fig.  46. 
Tro-Cort.  96,  c. 


Fig.  45. 
Tro-Cort.  61,  b. 


140 


MATAS  AND  LACANDONES 


they  are  taken  out  they  are  laid  on  palm  leaves.  It  is  at  this 
time  that  the  old  braseros  are  given  a  last  offering  of  posol ,  each 
from  a  separate  shell  of  the  cocoa  bean.  These  old  incense- 

burners  are  then  placed  in  a 
group  at  the  western  side  of  the 
hut  with  their  heads  facing  the 
west  (n.  Fig.  33,  p.  112)  and  a 
shell  of  the  cocoa  bean  over  each 
one.  Thus  they  die,  and  each 
is  superseded  by  a  new  olla. 

The  stone  idols  remain  rest¬ 
ing  on  the  leaves  all  night. 
Early  the  next  morning  an  offer¬ 
ing  of  balt§e  is  made  to  the  new 
braseros ,  which  have  been  placed 
in  the  position  formerly  occu¬ 
pied  by  the  old  incense-bowls 
(a,  Fig.  33)  and  with  the  heads 
facing  the  east.  The  braseritos 
are  arranged  in  lines  in  front  of 
the  row  of  the  large  incense-burners.  The  heads  of  those  in 
the  smaller  class  also  face  the  east  ( b ,  b,  b ,  Fig.  33,  and  PI. 
XXVI,  Fig.  2).  As  the  assistant 
places  the  offering  of  baltse  on  the 
mouth  of  the  brasero ,  the  leader  de¬ 
posits  the  stone  idol  of  the  respective 
incense-burners  in  the  bowl  and  it  is 
immediately  covered  with  copal  (Chant 
No.  43).  The  regular  rite  of  offering 
baltSe,  meat,  buliwa,  and  fillets  of  bark 
is  then  undertaken  in  the  same  way  as 
described  (pp.  123-138). 1 

The  board  of  nodules  is  prepared  and  distributed  among 
the  braseritos  as  well  as  among1  the  larger  ollas.  Each  of  the 


Fig.  47. 
Tro-Cort.  65,  a. 


Fig.  48. 
Tro-Cort.  97,  a. 


1  Figure  47  may  represent  the  offering  of  meat  and  Fig.  48  of  corn  to  the  new 
incense-burners.  The  shelter  is  clearly  shown  in  Fig.  48. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


141 


smaller  incense-burners  also  receives  a  part  of  every  offering. 
The  braseros  naturally  have  most  of  the  attention  in  the  rites. 
They  each  receive  sometimes  as  many  as  seven  or  eight  of  the 
nodules  of  copal ,  whereas  the  braseritos  do  not  obtain  more 
than  one  or  two. 

The  chants  in  each  case,  as  has  been  explained,  designate 
whether  the  inferior  god  represented  by  The  braserito  is  to  give 
the  offering  directly  to  the  main  god  whose  servant  he  is  and 
for  the  use  of  the  god  in  question  (atilili),  or  for  this  main  god 
to  restore  the  offering  in  turn  to  Nohotsakyum. 

In  addition  to  the  usual  offerings  made  at  this  time,  there  is 
a  gift  of  achiote.  The  berry  is  ground  and  mixed  with  water, 
making  a  vivid  red  paint.  A  small  gourd  containing  this  mix¬ 
ture  is  brought  in  and  placed  in  front  of  the  rows  of  incense- 
burners  directly  after  the  nodules  of  copal  have  been  taken 
from  the  board  and  distributed  in  the  bowls  of  the  several  ollas. 
After  the  copal  is  lighted,  the  leader  places  a  spot  of  the  achiote 
with  his  fingers  on  the  chin  of  each  of  the  braseros  and  braseritos 
and  a  similar  spot  on  the  forehead  of  each.  The  head  on  the 
drum,  the  ollas  on  the  shelf,  and  that  of  Usukun  at  the  east  of 
the  hut  are  treated  in  the  same  way.  The  two  round  circles 
on  the  logs  containing  the  baltae  are  renewed  with  the  paint,  as 
are  also  the  circles  on  the  two  western  supports  of  the  house. 
The  red  lines  on  the  rattle  and  on  the  ceremonial  oboe  are 
repainted.  The  leader  then  has  a  spot  of  red  painted  on  his 
forehead  and  another  on  his  chin  similar  to  those  placed  on 
the  heads  of  the  sacred  ollas.  Two  lines  are  also  painted 
around  the  wrists  and  ankles  of  the  leader.  His  poncho  is 
dotted  over  with  the  achiote  (PI.  XXVI,  Fig.  1)  in  addition 
to  the  other  decoration.  Finally  all  the  other  men,  fol¬ 
lowed  by  the  women,  have  their  faces  marked  in  the  same 
way  as  that  of  the  leader,  and  their  ponchos  are  spotted  with 
the  red.  The  leader  alone  has  the  lines  around  the  arm  and 
leg.  There  is  no  chant  accompanying  this  operation  of 
painting. 

On  the  day  following  the  substitution  of  the  new  ollas,  they 


142 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


are  given  an  offering  of  posol  similar  in  all  respects  excepting 
the  chant  (No.  44)  to  the  previous  daily  rites  when  posol  is 
offered  to  the  old  braseros  (p.  118). 

On  the  third  day  in  the  life  of  the  new  incense-burners,  a 
rite  differing  in  some  part  from  that  performed  on  the  first  day 
(p.  138)  is  undertaken.  Owing  to  a  few  details  which  are 
new,  it  may  be  well  to  review  briefly  the  different  acts  in  the 
rite  performed  on  this  day. 

Baltse  is  made  in  advance  and  purified  by  burning  incense 
and  heating  the  grains  of  corn  beside  the  log. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  this  third  day,  earthen  dishes  con¬ 
taining  tamales  made  simply  of  corn  (noiwa)  are  placed  in 
front  of  the  lines  of  incense-burners,  both  large  and  small. 

The  jar  is  filled  with  baltse  and  from  this  thirteen  jicaras 
are  filled  and  placed  on  the  altar  of  leaves  (PI.  XXVII,  Fig.  1). 
The  leader  in  his  chant  designates  which  jicara  shall  go  in 
front  of  each  brasero  and  whether  it  is  for  the  god  himself  or 
to  he  carried  by  him  to  Nohot&akyum.  The  shell  trumpet  is 
then  blown  and  the  jar  refilled. 

Six  more  gourds  are  furnished  with  baltse  and,  with  a  rolled 
leaf,  a  particle  is  taken  from  each  of  the  jicaras  and  placed  in  a 
single  gourd  from  which  all  the  incense-burners  are  fed.  The 
chant  is  the  same  as  at  the  previous  rite  (No.  44),  with  the  ex¬ 
ception  of  the  words  addressed  to  each  of  the  braseritos  (No.  45). 
The  olla  of  Usukun  at  the  east  of  the  hut  and  those  of  the  gods 
not  taking  part  in  the  ceremony  on  the  shelf  are  also  given  an 
offering  of  the  ceremonial  drink. 

The  nodules  of  copal  prepared  in  advance  are  sprinkled  with 
the  baltse,  and  an  offering  of  the  drink  is  held  up  to  the  head 
represented  by  a  few  red  lines  on  the  ceremonial  jar.  A  short 
formula  is  said  at  this  time  (No.  46). 

The  jicaras  around  the  jar  are  distributed  to  those  present, 
who  chant  (No.  27)  and  spatter  a  small  portion  of  the  contents 
before  drinking. 

The  first  of  the  tobacco  of  the  year  is  used  in  making  an 
offering  of  cigars.  Each  is  lighted  in  the  new  fire,  held  for  a 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACAN  BONES 


143 


moment  in  front  of  the  mouth  of  one  of  the  sacred  ollas  1  (Chant 
No.  47),  and  finally  leaned  up  against  the  head  of  the  incense- 
burner  to  which  it  has  been  offered  (PL  XXI,  Fig.  1).  Every 
product  of  the  field  must  thus  first  be  offered  to  the  gods  before 
it  can  be  serviceable  for  common  use. 

The  braseros  and  braseritos  are  again  administered  baltse,  after 
which  the  leader  sprinkles  the  lines  of  ollas  with  the  liquid. 
A  short  chant  is  made  at  the  same  time  (No.  23). 

Each  man  present  is  now  given  a  second  jicara  of  baltse  from 
those  around  the  jar,  for  his  own  consumption. 

A  slow  chant  (No.  29)  is  repeated  as  the  heads  of  the  incense- 
burners  are  fed  still  again,  and  the  jicaras  around  the  jar  are 
distributed  a  third  time  to  the  par¬ 
ticipants  in  the  rite.  The  ollas  are 
fed  again  from  new  gourds  filled 
with  baltse  from  the  jar. 

Jicaras  of  posol  are  next  brought 
in  and  offered  to  the  gods.  The 
leader  and  his  eldest  son  do  this  at 
the  same  time,  each  holding  a  gourd 
in  each  hand  (Chant  No.  68).  The 
tamales  of  com  and  the  posol  offered 
at  this  time  are  made  from  the  first 
corn  of  the  year. 

A  potion  of  baltse  from  the  gourds  around  the  jar  is  given 
to  the  braseros  and  braseritos.  The  first  set  of  jicaras  placed 
on  the  altar  of  leaves  still  remain  untouched.  The  brasero  of 
Usukun  and  those  on  the  shelf  are  not  neglected  in  this  re¬ 
peated  offering  of  baltSe  from  the  jar. 

The  leader,  sitting  behind  the  jar,  repeats  a  slow  chant 
(No.  29)  as  he  dips  the  cigarette  of  leaves  in  the  several  jicaras 
around  the  jar.  With  this  roll  he  administers  the  liquid  to  the 
heads  on  the  sacred  ollas. 

A  single  gourd  of  baltie  under  which  are  two  palm  leaves 

1  Cf.  Fig.  49,  where  a  god  is  sitting  upon  the  sign  of  the  earth  (caban)  and 
smoking. 


144 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


crossed  at  right  angles  is  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  leader. 
He  chants  (No.  27)  as  the  assistant  spatters  part  of  the  con¬ 
tents  with  his  fingers,  and  drinks. 

The  board  of  nodules  is  now  offered  at  the  east  side  of  the 
hut  as  in  previous  rite.  The  hands  of  bark  are  taken  from  a 
large  earthen  olla ,  where  they  have  been  colored,  and  are  hung 
in  front  of  the  rows  of  sacred  vessels. 

The  board  is  next  offered  to  the  braseros  inside  the  hut  after 
being  pointed  to  every  one  present.  The  chant  is  the  same  as 
before  (No.  32).  The  bands  of  colored  bark  are  now  placed 
around  the  rims  of  the  incense-burners.  Each  of  the  braseros 
has  at  least  one  of  the  fillets,  and  the  braseritos  have  the  bands 
stretching  across  their  heads,  one  strip  serving  for  three  or  four 
of  the  smaller  class  of  alias.  A  band  is  tied  around  the  drum, 
and  the  brasero  of  Usukun  also  receives  a  fillet. 

The  nodules  of  copal  are  next  distributed  in  the  bowls  of  the 
incense-burners  (Chant  No.  33).  The  offerings  of  baltSe  are 
repeated  until  there  is  none  remaining  in  the  jar  or  in  the 
hollow  log. 

Palm  leaves  are  now  given  to  each  one  present,  and  a  new 
fire  is  made  with  which  to  light  the  copal  in  the  incense-burners. 
During  the  burning  of  the  incense,  the  bands  of  bark  are  laid 
at  one  side. 

At  the  same  time  as  the  copal  is  being  lighted,  the  different 
ollas  are  being  painted,  with  the  achiote ,  together  with  the  drum 
and  the  rattle.  The  leader  and  the  others  present  are  also 
painted  in  the  same  way  as  in  a  previous  rite  (p.  141). 

The  one  who  gives  the  feast  closely  followed  by  the  other 
men,  and  the  boys  old  enough,  now  approach  the  blazing  ollas 
and  hold  their  leaves  in  the  smoke  as  they  recite  a  prayer 
(No.  13). 

Seven  earthen  dishes  of  cooked  frejoles  are  now  brought  in 
and  placed  in  front  of  the  other  offerings  before  the  incense- 
burners.  This  is  done  without  chanting.  The  gift  is  then 
offered  by  holding  each  dish  up  and  making  a  prayer  (No.  49). 
The  corn  tamales  which  were  brought  in  at  the  very  beginning 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACAN  HONES 


145 


of  the  rite  are  also  offered  to  the  gods  with  the  same  chant. 
The  frejoles  as  well  as  the  corn  of  the  tamales  are  the  first  of 
the  season.  This  whole  renewal  ceremony  might  well  be  called 
an  offering  of  the  first  fruits,  as  it  is  always  held  at  the  time  of 
year  when  the  tobacco,  corn,  and  frejoles  are  beginning  to  ripen. 

The  tamales  and  the  frejoles ,  after  being  placed  and  offered, 
are  next  ready  to  be  administered  to  the  different  braseros  and 
braseritos  in  behalf  respectively  of  the  gods  and  the  lesser  spir¬ 
its  whom  they  represent.  A  small  particle  is  taken  from  one 
or  two  tamales  in  each  dish  and  a  few  beans  from  each  vessel. 
The  joint  offering  is  then  placed  on  the  mouth  of  each  of  the 
incense-burners  (Chant  No.  50). 

The  first  set  of  jicaras  of  baltSe  remaining  before  the  sacred 
ollas ,  together  with  the  dishes  of  tamales  and  frejoles ,  are  now 
distributed  among  the  men  present.  Each  exchanges  a  portion 
of  the  contents  of  each  dish  with  each  of  the  others,  and,  after 
the  usual  consecration  of  a  portion  to  the  gods,  a  general  feast¬ 
ing  begins. 

The  bands  of  bark  and  the  cigars  remain  before  the  sacred 
ollas  until  morning,  when  they  are  distributed.  The  men  wear 
the  fillets  and  smoke  the  cigars  (Fig.  49). 

On  the  fourth  day  in  the  life  of  the  new  braseros ,  an  offering 
of  posol  is  made.  Into  each  jicara  of  the  drink  as  it  is  being 
made  there  is  added  a  ball  of  corn,  ground  and  roasted.  Such 
an  offering  is  called  sakha.  The  rite  differs  in  no  way  from 
the  regular  posol  ceremony  previously  described  (p.  118). 

On  the  fifth  day,  posol  of  the  usual  kind  is  offered  to  the  gods. 
Cocoa  berries  are  ground,  and  a  part  of  the  ground  cocoa  is 
added  to  each  jieara  of  the  posol  and  the  whole  frothed  by  the 
wooden  beater. 

The  sixth  day  is  marked  by  an  offering  of  posol  with  the  balls 
of  roasted  corn,  the  same  kind  of  gift  as  is  given  on  the  fourth 
day. 

On  the  seventh  and  final  day  of  the  ceremony  of  consecrating 
the  new  incense-burners,  the  offering  of  posol  and  cocoa  is  made 
in  the  exact  order  as  in  all  the  other  rites  in  which  posol  is  given 


146 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


to  the  gods.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  act,  when  the  jicaras 
of  posol  have  been  distributed  to  those  present,  the  leader  stands 
behind  the  assistant  and  each  of  the  others  and  repeats  a  for¬ 
mula  (No.  15).  The  assistant  then  says  the  same  words  behind 
the  leader.  This  simple  act  is  really  the  end  of  the  ceremony. 

Nothing  more  remains  to  be  done  but  to  place  the  incense- 
burners  in  the  places  on  the  shelf  formerly  occupied  by  the  old 
braseros  when  there  was  no  rite  in  progress.  The  seven  new 
and  freshly  painted  ollas  are,  accordingly,  deposited  on  the 
shelf  in  two  rows.  The  braseritos  are  placed  on  a  shelf  at  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  hut  until  there  is  opportunity  to  carry 
them  and  deposit  them  in  their  final  resting-place  together  with 
the  old  and  dead  braseros.  Great  care  is  observed  in  placing 
the  ollas  on  the  shelves.  The  heads  of  the  bowls  are  never  for 
an  instant  turned  in  any  other  direction  than  toward  the  east. 
TheoZ/(it  with  the  projecting  arm  is  wrapped  in  a  banana  leaf  and 
tied  with  a  band  of  the  colored  bark.  All  the  palm  leaves  on 
which  the  incense-burners  rest  during  the  progress  of  the  rites 
are  gathered  up  into  a  pile  with  the  stems  pointing  toward  the 
south.  The  ground  on  which  the  seven  ollas  of  the  main  gods 
have  rested  is  swept  with  the  utmost  care,  and  every  particle  of 
copal  ash  fallen  on  the  leaves  is  collected  and  made  into  a 
bundle.  The  leaves  and  sweepings  are  carried  and  deposited 
on  a  pile  (tiak)  at  the  north  of  the  sacred  hut  containing  all 
the  refuse  from  the  ceremonies  for  years  past.1 

On  the  day  following  the  last  offering  of  the  consecration 
rites,  the  old  and  dead  incense-burners  of  the  previous  year, 
which  for  the  past  seven  days  have  remained  undisturbed  at 
the  western  side  of  the  hut,  are  carefully  placed  in  carrying  nets, 
together  with  the  olla  with  the  projecting  arm,  and  the  earthen 
drum,  which  is  also  considered  to  be  dead.  The  men  then 
take  these  nets,  with  their  contents,  on  their  backs  (PI.  XXVII, 
Fig.  2)  and  go  to  a  cliff  a  short  distance  to  the  west  of  the 
encampment.  Here  they  leave  the  dead  braseros  at  the  bot- 

1  Cf.  Lancia,  1864,  Chap.  XL,  p.  278 :  “  Yarrian  sus  casas  y  la  vasura  y  estos 
peltrechos  viejos  echavanlo  fuera  del  pueblo  al  muladar  y  nadie .  .  .  tocava  a  ello.” 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


147 


tom  of  a  large  mass  of  rocks  and  place  the  olla  with  the  project¬ 
ing  arm  above  the  others  on  a  higher  part  of  the  ledge.  These 
incense-burners  have  ceased  to  be  of  service,  and  their  places 
have  been  taken  by  the  new  braseros  containing  the  stone  idols 
taken  from  the  former.  Travelers  who  report  finds  of  incense- 
vessels  may  well  have  happened  to  find  these  depositing  places 
of  the  old  and  dead  ollas,  deprived  of  the  idols  they  once  had. 
There  is  no  chanting  when  this  final  act  is  carried  out. 

The  braseritos  used  in  the  consecration  rite  are  taken  in  the 
same  way  to  a  place  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Petha,  where  they  are 
also  hidden  under  a  cliff.1 

With  this  act  the  ceremony  is  over  and  the  men  turn  their 
attention  to  making  the  new  fields  for  the  next  crop.  The  new 
braseros  have  been  installed,  and  when  they  are  not  in  use  in 
any  of  the  rites,  they  remain  on  the  suspended  shelf.  There  is 
no  more  occasion  therefore  for  the  men  sleeping  in  the  sacred 
hut  as  was  necessary  when  the  braseros  and  all  the  smaller  ollas 
remained  constantly,  day  and  night,  upon  the  altar  of  palm 
leaves. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that,  now  that  the  installation  of  the 
new  incense-burners  with  their  idols  has  been  completed  and 
the  old  ones  disposed  of,  there  is  an  end  for  a  time  to  the  rites. 
The  new  braseros  are  used  in  the  performance  of  ceremonies  at 
very  frequent  intervals. 

When  any  long  journey  is  to  be  undertaken,  the  gods  are 
first  of  all  appealed  to.  A  board  of  nodules  of  copal  is  made 
and  purified  as  has  been  described  (p.  125).  This  is  offered 
in  a  slow  chant  (No.  32)  to  the  gods,  and  the  nodules  are  then 
distributed  in  the  braseros  of  certain  of  the  gods  known  to  be 
well  disposed  toward  the  undertaking.  This  is  ascertained  by 
one  of  the  acts  of  divination  (p.  99).  One  of  the  men  chants 
(No.  51)  over  the  smoke  of  the  burning  copal  as  he  waves  the 
regular  bundle  of  palm  leaves.  If  the  person  who  is  to  make 

1  Each  settlement  probably  has  a  special  place  of  its  own  where  the  dead 
braseros  are  deposited. 


148 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DOMES 


the  journey  is  a  woman,  tlie  man  carries  the  leaves  to  the  do¬ 
mestic  hut,  where  the  woman  is  waiting.  He  chants  (No.  51) 
over  her  as  he  taps  her  feet  with  the  leaves.  In  some  instances 
a  more  elaborate  rite  is  undertaken  at  this  time.  Posol  is  made 
and  offered  in  addition  to  the  gift  of  incense. 

The  simple  burning  of  rough  pieces  of  copal  in  the  braseros 
may  be  undertaken  in  order  to  invigorate  some  leaves  to  be 
used  in  curing  some  simple  ailment. 

As  has  been  stated  (p.  81),  the  Lacandones  are  in  the  habit 
of  making  pilgrimages  to  the  spots  where  they  believe  their 
gods  to  live.  These  journeys  are  not  uncommon  to  the  homes 
of  gods  whose  dwellings  are  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  encamp¬ 
ment  in  question.  The  people  living  near  Lake  Pet-ha  are  in 
the  habit  of  visiting  the  shrine  of  the  god  ioananohqu,  who  lives 
in  an  immense  cliff  on  the  shore  of  the  lake.  These  trips  are 
undertaken  from  a  spirit  of  devotion  to  the  god  and  a  desire 
for  protection  from  the  evils  of  the  spiritual  world,  which  this 
god  is  able  to  grant.  As  will  be  seen  from  the  nature  of  the 
chants  used  in  the  rites  of  the  Lacandones,  there  is,  in  addition, 
the  idea  of  thankfulness  for  past  and  present  favors. 

Inasmuch  as  one  of  these  pilgrimages  was  witnessed,  it  may 
be  well  to  describe  it  in  detail.  The  start  was  made  from  the 
encampment  about  five  in  the  morning.  The  father  of  the 
family  led  the  way  along  the  narrow  trail.  He  carried  most  of 
the  materials  for  making  the  sacrifice  in  a  net  on  his  back,  sus¬ 
pended  by  a  strap  from  the  forehead.  The  eldest  son  came 
next  with  his  bow  and  arrows.  He  had  a  burden  in  proportion 
to  his  years.  He  was  followed  by  his  two  sisters,  each  of  whom 
had  loads  of  greater  proportions  than  their  ages  warranted. 
The  wife  drew  up  in  the  rear.  She  had  the  youngest  boy  in 
her  arms  and  another  on  her  back  in  a  net  suspended  by  a  strap 
across  the  forehead.  After  about  two  hours  of  walking,  the 
side  of  the  lake  was  reached.  All  embarked  in  one  of  the 
native  canoes  for  the  cliff  where  the  god  lived.  This  proved 
to  be  the  rock  which  has  been  described  as  having  on  its  face 
a  painting  of  a  double-headed  serpent  (Fig.  16,  p.  68). 


RELIGION  OF  THE  LACANDONES 


149 


Close  beside  the  figure  on  the  cliff  there  is  a  large  crevice  in  the 
face  of  the  rock,  said  to  be  the  entrance  to  the  home  of  the  god. 
It  was  in  this  cavelike  formation  that  the  sacrifices  were  made 
in  honor  of  loananohqu.  The  greatest  solemnity  characterized 
the  ceremony.  The  god  was  supposed  actually  to  be  present 
during  the  performance  of  the  rite.  The  writer  was  not  allowed 
to  land  from  the  canoe,  nor  were  any  of  the  family  other  than 
the  father  and  the  eldest  son,  who  carried  out  the  ceremony. 
As  the  water  was  very  low  in  the  lake,  the  canoe  was  some 
distance  below  the  ledge  of  rocks  serving  as  an  altar.  It  could 
not  be  seen  whether  or  not  there  were  any  braseros  used  in 
connection  with  the  rite.  There  were  certainly  none  carried 
from  the  encampment.  It  is  quite  probable  that  one  or  more 
of  the  braseritos  were  used  in  the  rite  as  the  conveyers  of  the 
offering  to  the  god.  The  whole  face  of  the  rock  was  heavily 
smoked,  showing  that  these  pilgrimages  were  not  uncommon. 

The  ceremony  followed  the  same  general  lines  as  the  others 
which  have  been  described.  The  offering,  owing  to  the  distance 
and  the  difficulty  of  bringing  anything  liquid,  consisted  only  of 
nodules  of  copal  and  buliwa. 

The  father  held  up  the  dishes  containing  the  tamales  of  com 
and  frejoles ,  and  gave  the  customary  chant  (No.  28).  The 
nodules  of  copal  were  made  on  the  spot  and  arranged  on  a  board 
which  was  kept  on  the  ledge  for  the  purpose.  This  board  of 
copal  was  held  up  and  offered  in  the  usual  way,  and  the  copal 
then  distributed,  in  two  clusters  on  the  rocky  ledge.  A  particle 
from  the  middle  of  each  buliwa  was  also  placed  on  the  ledge, 
after  which  the  gum  was  lighted  and  the  leaves  held  in  the 
smoke.  A  prayer  directed  especially  to  loananohqu  was  made.1 

After  the  leaves  had  been  impregnated  with  the  virtues  of 
the  god  by  holding  them  in  the  smoke  of  the  incense  burned  to 
him,  the  father  came  down  to  the  boat  with  the  leaves  and 
chanted  in  turn  over  each  member  of  his  family.  He  then  re¬ 
turned  to  the  cliff,  where  he  prayed  for  a  short  time  longer. 
After  the  father  and  son  had  eaten  several  of  the  tamales  given 
1 1  was  unable  to  obtain  the  text  of  this  chant. 


150 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


to  the  god,  they  came  down  to  the  canoe,  bringing  the  remainder 
of  the  offering.  All  then  joined  in  eating  the  buliwa,  which 
was  the  only  thing  they  had  brought  to  eat.  The  actual  rite 
did  not  last  longer  than  two  hours,  and  the  rest  of  the  day  was 
spent  in  hunting  turtle  eggs  and  fishing. 

The  daily  thought  and  life  of  the  Lacandones  are  centered 
around  the  religious  element.  An  instance  of  this  is  seen  in  an 
incident  witnessed  by  the  writer.  The  father,  the  head  of  the 
encampment  and  the  leader  in  the  preceding  rite,  together  with 
his  family,  was  on  his  way  to  the  neighboring  settlement  of  the 
Indians.  He  was  some  distance  in  advance  of  the  wife  and 
children.  As  he  stopped  to  wait  for  them,  he  gathered  a  palm 
leaf,  pulled  off  the  lowermost  petal,  and  tore  a  shred  lengthwise 
from  the  leaf.  Rolling  the  leaf  between  the  palms  of  his  hands, 
he  performed  the  divinatory  rite  described  (p.  100)  in  order  to 
receive  an  answer  to  questions  which  were  troubling  him.  The 
chant  used  in  this  rite  showed  the  cause  of  his  anxiety  to  be  his 
son,  whom  he  feared  would  not  live  to  grow  up. 

There  is  a  ceremony  observed  just  before  a  mother  is  deliv¬ 
ered  of  a  child.  The  father  offers  the  usual  offerings  to  the 
gods  and  prays  for  a  safe  delivery,  for  the  recovery  of  the 
mother,  and  the  life  and  growth  of  the  child.  He  asks  for  the 
good  health  of  the  mother  and  child  during  the  period  of 
suckling  ( utSukutsuts ),  for  freedom  of  fear  for  the  child,  and 
finally  the  power  of  walking. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MAYAS 


The  surprise  is  not  great  at  finding  survivals  of  ancient  be¬ 
liefs  as  described  by  the  early  Spanish  priests  and  historians 
among  the  Lacandones,  who  have  been  more  free  from  outside 
influence  than  almost  any  other  people  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America;  but  among  the  practically  civilized  Mayas  of  Yucatan, 
one  is  indeed  amazed  to  find  so  much  still  remaining  of  the  an¬ 
cient  religion  under  what  at  first  appears  to  be  a  most  rigid 
conformation  to  the  beliefs  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

In  the  less  populated  districts  one  can  find  rites  being  cele¬ 
brated  similar  in  a  great  part  to  some  of  the  ceremonies  found 
among  the  Lacandones,  but  with  the  addition  of  a  cross  of  wood 
set  up  before  the  offering  to  carry  out  the  idea  received  from 
their  Catholic  teachers.  The  symbol  of  the  cross  seems  to 
free  the  rite  of  any  heretical  character  that  it  might  possess 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  Catholic  clergy.  Many  of  the 
early  Spanish  accounts  speak  of  the  first  population  of  Yuca¬ 
tan  as  not  being  worshipers  of  idols,  but  as  possessing  religion 
not  differing  greatly  from  that  introduced  by  the  Spaniards.1 
This  idea  evidently  is  a  result  of  the  Spanish  teaching. 

There  is  one  great  cause  for  the  success  which  crowned  the 
efforts  of  the  early  Spanish  missionaries  in  establishing  a  new 
form  of  worship  in  Yucatan.  Instead  of  introducing  an  en¬ 
tirely  new  set  of  ideas  and  strange  forms  of  devotion  into  the 
country,  the  old  ideas  were  used  as  a  foundation  on  which  to 
build  the  new  teaching.  The  rites  native  to  the  country  were 

1  Cf.  “  Relacidnde  Quizil  y  Sitipeche,”  1900,  Vol.XI.,  p.  215  :  “  .  .  .  Los  prim- 
eros  pobladores  de  chihinisa  no  fueron  ydolatras  hasta  que  Rul  Rau  capitain 
mexicano  entro  en  estas  partes  el  qual  enseno  la  ydolatria  o  la  nesesidad  como 
ellos  dizen  los  enseno  a  ydolatrar — tubieron  notizia  de  un  criador  de  todas  las 
cosas  de  la  criazion  del  cielo  y  de  la  tierra  y  de  la  cayda  de  lusifer  de  la  ynmor- 
talidad  del  anyma  y  del  £ielo  y  del  ynfierno  y  del  delubio  general.” 

151 


152 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


changed  until  they  agreed  more  or  less  faithfully  with  those 
of  the  new  religion. 

We  may  certainly  question  the  accuracy  of  some  of  the 
early  accounts  of  the  missionaries  concerning  the  speed  with 
which  the  natives  threw  aside  the  religion  of  their  race  and 
adopted  that  of  the  Conquerors.  The  early  priests  without  ex¬ 
ception  speak  of  the  ease  with  which  the  natives  were  induced 
to  discard  their  former  religious  ideas.  It  was  probably  not 
until  the  Mayas  were  greatly  weakened  by  the  continued 
attacks  of  the  enemy  and  after  years  of  submission  to  the  su¬ 
perior  force  that  the  Catholic  religion  was  in  any  way  established 
m  the  country.  In  the  accounts  of  the  immense  numbers  of 
baptisms  administered  to  the  native  race  there  can  be  placed 
little  reliance,  as  undoubtedly  there  were  a  large  number  of 
“  repeaters,  ”  as  each  new  convert  usually  obtained  from  the 
hands  of  the  king’s  missionaries  certain  gifts  in  the  way  of 
clothing. 

In  the  cities  and  towns  throughout  Yucatan  there  are  churches 
and  cathedrals.  In  the  smaller  villages,  the  priests  come  but 
once  a  year  to  christen  children,  to  hear  confession,  and  to  bless 
unions  that  have  already  taken  place.  In  many  of  the  smaller 
settlements  in  the  interior,  even  the  yearly  visit  is  done 
away  with,  and  the  natives  live  without  the  slight  restraining 
influence  of  the  padre.  Each  hut  has  its  santo,  which  usually 
consists  of  the  picture  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  Saint  days 
are  celebrated  often  with  a  grand  carousal,  which  sometimes 
assumes  grand  proportions.  At  frequent  intervals  along  every 
road  and  trail,  crosses  of  wood  have  been  erected.  When 
travelers  pass  a  new  cross,  they  always  deposit  a  stone  or  pebble 
at  the  base.  The  natives  touch  their  hats  when  passing  one 
of  the  crosses.  Yucatan  is  thus  virtually  a  Catholic  country. 
Underneath  this,  however,  there  is  much  that  is  fundamentally 
native  in  their  religious  ideas. 

Lancia  and  the  other  early  priests  and  historians  give  a 
large  amount  of  material  on  the  ceremonial  life  of  the  Mayas, 
the  yearly  festivals  and  those  celebrated  in  the  different  months 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MAYAS 


153 


of  the  Maya  year,  but,  as  in  the  case  with  the  Lacandones,  it 
will  be  possible  to  take  up  only  those  forms  of  rites  which  seem 
to  show  some  connection  with  those  carried  on  at  the  present 
time.  I  shall  also  enter  upon  a  discussion  of  the  early  ideas  of 
the  mythology  of  the  Mayas  found  recorded  in  the  early  histo¬ 
ries  only  in  so  far  as  they  touch  upon  the  beliefs  of  the  present 
day. 

With  a  knowledge  of  the  most  important  of  the  rites  of  the 
Lacandones,  it  will  he  interesting  to  take  a  survey  of  a  few  of 
the  ceremonies  now  carried  on  in  some  of  the  less  populated  dis¬ 
tricts  of  the  peninsula.  These  usually  have  no  close  connection 
with  the  affairs  of  the  Church,  although  they  are  recognized  by 
the  priests  and  are  not  openly  prohibited,  inasmuch  as  these 
rites,  as  I  have  before  noted,  are  freed  from  possessing  any 
heretical  character  by  having  the  symbol  of  the  cross  interwoven 
in  their  structure  together  with  the  names  of  several  of  the 
Catholic  saints. 

In  order  to  understand  the  ceremonies,  it  will  be  well  to 
know  something  of  the  cosmical  conceptions  of  the  Mayas  of 
the  present  time.  According  to  the  information  obtained  from 
the  Mayas  in  the  vicinity  of  Valladolid,  this  world  is  now  in  the 
fourth  period  of  its  existence.  In  the  first  epoch  there  lived 
the  Saiyamwinkoob,  the  Adjusters.  These  composed  the  primi¬ 
tive  race  of  Yucatan.  They  were  dwarfs  and  were  the  ones 
who  built  the  ruins.  This  work  was  all  done  in  darkness  be¬ 
fore  there  was  any  sun.  As  soon  as  the  sun  appeared,  these 
people  turned  to  stone.  Their  images  are  found  to-day  in 
many  of  the  ruins  (PL  XXVIII).  It  was  at  this  period  that 
there  was  a  road  suspended  in  the  sky,  stretching  from  Tuloom 
and  Coba  to  Chichen  Itza  and  Uxmal.  This  pathway  was 
called  kugansum  or  s&bke  (white  road).  It  was  in  the  nature 
of  a  large  rope  (sum)  supposed  to  be  living  (kuian)  and  in  the 
middle  flowed  blood.  It  was  by  this  rope  that  the  food  was 
sent  to  the  ancient  rulers  who  lived  in  the  structures  now  in 
ruins.  For  some  reason  this  rope  was  cut,  the  blood  flowed  out, 
and  the  rope  vanished  forever.  This  first  epoch  was  separated 


154 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


from  t-lie  second  by  a  flood  called  Haiyoqokab  (water  over  the 
earth). 

In  the  second  period  of  the  history  of  the  earth  there  lived 
the  “  oolob,”  the  Offenders.  Again  a  flood  destroyed  the  greater 
part  of  the  world,  after  which  the  Masehualli,  or  Mayas  of  the 
present  time,  came  into  power.  Still  again  there  was  a  flood 
which  gave  way  to  the  fourth  period.  In  this  last  epoch,  there 
is  a  mixture  of  all  the  previous  peoples  inhabiting  Yucatan. 
This  last  flood  Avas  called  “  hunyekil,”  or  “bulkabal  '  (the  im- 
merging)-  The  Catholic  priests  take  advantage  of  this  belief 
in  the  various  epochs  to  teach  that,  in  the  last  flood,  all  the 
spirits  of  the  race  were  killed  excepting  three  who  escaped  in  a 
canoe,  “  Dios  yumbil ,  Dios  mehenbil ,  and  Dios  Espirito  Santo,” 
the  Maya  expression  for  the  Trinity. 

The  Masehualli,  or  Mayas  of  the  present  time,  state  that  their 
ancestors  were  among  those  who  lived  in  the  first  period  of  the 
earth’s  history. 

According  to  the  natives  of  Yucatan,  there  are  seven  heavens 
above  the  earth,  each  of  which  has  a  hole  in  the  center,  one  di¬ 
rectly  above  the  other.  According  to  one  idea,  a  giant  ceiba 
(yaStSe ),  growing  in  the  exact  center  of  the  earth,  rears  its 
branches  through  the  successhm  holes  in  the  heavens  until  it 
reaches  the  seventh,  where  '■‘■El  Gran  Dios ”  of  the  Spaniards 
lives.  It  is  by  means  of  this  tree1  that  the  dead  spirits  ascend 
from  one  world  to  the  other  until  they  reach  the  topmost  one, 
where  they  finally  remain.  Another  explanation  is  that  there 
is  a  ladder  made  of  vines  running  from  the  earth  up  through 
the  holes  in  the  heavens  to  the  seventh,  and  it  is  by  this  vine 
that  the  souls  ascend. 

BeloAV  the  topmost  plain  occupied  by  the  God  introduced  by 

1  The  ceiba  tree  ( Bombox  ceiba )  plays  a  great  part  in  the  mythology  of  the 
Mayas.  One  was  supposed  to  have  grown  in  Valladolid.  It  was  cut  down,  but 
it  grew  again  and  had  four  branches,  one  for  each  of  the  cardinal  points.  A 
cenote  was  directly  beneath  the  tree.  A  hawk  lived  in  the  topmost  branch,  the 
spirit  of  the  tree.  The  bird’s  cry  was  “  suki,  suki,”  and  this  was  the  name  given 
to  the  town,  which  later  was  changed  by  the  Spaniards  to  Valladolid.  For 
a  probable  representation  of  this  tree,  see  Codex  Tro-Cortesianus,  pp.  75,  76. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MAYAS 


155 


the  Spaniards,  in  the  sixth  heaven,  there  lives  a  class  of  spirits 
called  N ukut§y umt§ akob . 1  The  former  gods  of  the  Mayas  have 
been  relegated  to  the  role  of  spirits  under  the  dominion  of  HI 
Gran  Bios.  In  many  cases,  where  among  the  Lacandones  there 
is  found  a  single  god,  among  the  Mayas  of  the  present  time 
there  is  a  class  of  spirits.  One  of  these  spirits,  called  Nukut- 
syumtSakob,  would  be  called  NohotSyumtsak,1 2  and  it  is  this 
term,  with  a  change  in  the  arrangement  of  the  syllables,  No- 
hoti(t£)akyum,  that  we  have  found  given  to  the  main  god  of  the 
Lacandones  (p.  93).  Among  the  Mayas  this  class  of  spirits  is 
also  called  Aoenuloob,  or  simply  YumtSakob.  They  are  regarded 
as  old,  white-haired,  and  as  having  beards.  They  are  described 
as  being  very  fond  of  smoking.  These  are  gods  of  rain  and 
carry  out  the  commands  of  the  God  of  the  seventh  heaven.  In 
addition  to  these  attributes  they  are  the  protectors  of  human 
beings.  According  to  the  early  authorities,  the  rain  gods  were 
called  “  Tsak  ”  (written  Chac).  A  rite  for  rain  is  still  carried 
on  by  the  Mayas.  It  is  called  by  the  reduplicated  term  t§at§ak 

(p.  162). 

On  the  fifth  plain  above  the  earth  reside  the  protecting  spirits 
of  the  milpas  or  fields,  Quhob,  and  of  the  forest,  AhkananqaSob.3 
Yumqag  (written  Yumkash)  is  given  as  a  god  of  the  fields  among 
the  early  Mayas.  To  each  of  these  classes  of  spirits  rites  are 
performed  which  will  be  described  later. 

The  fourth  heaven  is  occupied  by  a  class  of  spirits  called 
Ahkananbaltseob.  This  word  has  the  meaning  “  the  protectors 
of  the  animals.” 

In  the  third  heaven  live  the  spirits  who  are  not  well  disposed 
toward  man,  Ahqaqasbalob.4 

The  gods  of  the  winds  live  on  the  second  plain:  Ahlaqinqu, 

1  They  are  called  by  the  Spanish  name  regaderos ,  from  the  verb  regar,  to 
water,  to  moisten. 

2  Nukuts  is  the  plural  form  of  the  adjective  nohots,  meaning  great. 

3  The  ah  seen  in  many  of  these  proper  names  is  the  masculine  prefix,  con¬ 
trasted  with  the  feminine  form  s. 

4  This  word  is  made  from  the  reduplicated  form  of  the  adjective  meaning  bad, 

qas. 


156 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


god  of  the  east  wind,  Aht§iqinqu,  god  of  the  west  wind, 
Ahnoholqinqu,  god  of  the  south  wind,  and  Ah§amanqinqu,  god  of 
the  north  wind.  The  early  Mayas  had  a  spirit  of  the  wind 
called  iq  (written  Ik). 

In  the  first  heaven  above  the  earth  lived  the  Yumbalamob. 
They  are  for  the  special  protection  of  “  crist ianos.”  They  are 
invisible  during  the  day,  but  at  night  they  are  awake  and  remain 
seated  at  the  crosses  set  up  at  the  entrance  of  the  pueblos. 
There  are  four  of  the  Yumbalamob,  one  for  each  of  the  cardinal 
points.  They  mount  guard  over  the  town  and  protect  the  peo¬ 
ple  from  the  animals  of  the  forest  and  other  dangers.  The 
pieces  of  worked  obsidian  often  found  throughout  Yucatan  are 
supposed  to  have  been  used  by  the  Balamob  to  cut  through  the 
wind,  and  by  the  sounds  thus  produced  to  make  signs  to  their 
companions  stationed  at  the  other  entrances  to  the  town.  These 
obsidian  flakes  are  also  used  to  hurl  at  animals  who  are  about 
to  attack  men. 

Below  the  earth  is  the  abode  of  Kisin,  the  earthquake  and 
god  of  the  underworld  (metnal).  He  is  a  god  of  evil.  The 
Yumt&akob  send  down  the  rain  which  refreshes  the  earth.  This 
makes  the  ground  cold  and  uncomfortable  for  Kisin,  so  that  he 
makes  a  wind  in  the  sky  to  drive  away  the  rain  clouds.  It  is 
in  this  underworld  that  the  spirits  of  those  live  who  have  com¬ 
mitted  suicide  by  throwing  themselves  into  a  cenote,1  or  by 
some  other  means.  The  spirits  of  all  people  who  die  go  here 
for  a  short  time,  after  which  they  pass  through  the  several 
heavens,  Anally  arriving  at  the  seventh,  where  they  live  in 
happiness  forever.  The  souls  (pisan)  of  men  who  have  died 
in  war  and  of  women  who  have  died  in  childbirth  go  directly 
to  the  upper  world,  without  the  intermediate  residence  in 
metnal.  The  Mayas  have  always  believed  in  a  future  life,  but 
it  is  hard  to  tell  how  much  influence  the  Catholic  teaching  has 
had  on  the  ideas  they  now  entertain. 

The  soul  of  a  dead  person  is  called  pi§an.  This  is  the  same 


1  This  would  seem  to  be  the  most  common  form  of  voluntary  death. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MATAS 


157 


term  used  by  the  Lacandones.  The  god  who  conducts  the 
spirit  of  the  dead  to  the  several  abodes  is  called  TSasapiSan. 
Among  the  Lacandones,  we  have  seen  (p.  47)  how  the  spirit 
is  provided  with  food  for  the  journey.  Among  the  Mayas  as 
well  food  is  placed  on  the  grave  to  provide  for  the  welfare  of 
the  spirit  until  it  reaches  the  seventh  heaven.  It  is  believed 
that  a  priest  will  come  at  the  end  of  the  world,  and  by  the 
sense  of  smell  he  will  separate  the  true  Indians  from  those  of 
mixed  blood. 

In  addition  to  the  gods  whose  names  have  been  given  as 
inhabiting  the  different  heavens,  there  are  a  number  of  other 
spirits  whose  attributes  vary,  and  who  are  supposed  to  live  in 
one  of  the  several  abodes  of  the  gods. 

Ahqinsok  is  described  as  owner  of  the  days.  The  spirits 
who  have  protection  over  the  bees  are  called  KananSuiob,  and 
the  owners  of  the  medicinal  herbs  are  named  Sitbolontun. 
Brinton  gives  this  same  term  to  the  gods  of  medicine. 
Suhuiqaq  is  the  spirit  of  the  new  fire,  a  god  of  healing.  The 
Lacandone  god,  Qaq,  may  be  identified  with  this  god  of  the 
Mayas.  Ahku§tal  is  the  god  of  birth.  The  mythical  serpent, 
Ququlkan,  of  the  Lacandones  is  called  Quqikan  among  the 
Mayas.  It  is  described  as  a  many-headed  snake  living  in 
the  sky.  At  intervals  it  comes  to  the  earth  to  a  place  below 
the  home  of  the  red  ants  (sai).  Ahmakiq  (the  one  who  locks 
up  the  wind)  is  a  spirit  to  whom  an  appeal  is  made  when  there 
are  very  strong  winds  working  damage  to  the  crops. 

As  among  the  Lacandones,  the  thunder  is  called  tanupekqu. 
The  gods  of  rain,  YumtSakob,  are  said  to  be  rushing  everywhere 
in  a  storm,  and  they  use  the  thunder  to  announce  their  coming. 
The  lightning,  tanuhaoqu,  is  the  whip  with  which  they  lash 
their  horses.  The  rain  gods  carry  bows  and  arrows  and  often 
fell  trees  in  their  journeys.  Sometimes  the  points  of  their 
arrows  are  found  in  the  midst  of  the  forest.  This  is  the  ex¬ 
planation  given  when  a  meteorite  is  found.  Among  some  of 
the  Mayas,  it  is  believed  that  where  a  meteorite  1  falls,  there  a 
1  TSinqaq,  literally  suspended  fire. 


158 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


lake  will  afterward  be  found  tilled  with  alligators.  As  has  been 
noted,  the  Yumtsakoq  are  great  smokers.  Comets  are  explained 
as  the  cigars  which  are  being  thrown  away  by  the  rain  gods. 

As  among  the  Lacandones,  both  the  sun  and  his  consort,  the 
moon,  are  regarded  as  servants  of  the  main  god.  The  deities 
themselves  never  do  any  real  work,  and  as  the  sun  and  moon 
are  continually  in  motion,  they  cannot  be  regarded  as  anything 
more  than  servants.  It  is  considered  a  bad  sign  to  point  to 
the  sun  or  moon.  When  the  sun  or  moon  is  in  eclipse,  it  is 
believed  that  an  evil  being  (qaqasbal )  is  biting  them.1  A  great 
noise  is  made  to  frighten  the  animal  away.  The  children  are 
struck  so  that  they  will  cry.2  No  trace  of  this  idea  can  be 
found  among  the  Lacandones.  The  former  belief  that  a  great 
noise  must  be  made  is  found  among  the  Mexicans.  Its  origin 
may  possibly  be  traced  to  them. 

There  are  a  great  number  of  spirits  among  the  Mayas  of  the 
present  time  who  are  ill-disposed  toward  men.  Stabai  is  a  term 
used  both  by  the  Lacandones  and  the  Mayas  both  now  and  at 
the  time  of  the  Conquest.  It  is  given  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
as  a  god  of  the  chase.  Among  the  Lacandones,  it  is  a  goddess 
residing  in  the  rocks  of  the  forest.  Among  the  Mayas,  it  is  the 
name  given  to  a  class  of  demons  of  snake  form  living  in  caves. 
They  lie  in  wait,  ready  to  spring  out  in  human  form  and  capture 
men.  These  they  carry  into  the  underworld,  or  throw  them 
into  a  cenote.  They  are  sometimes  female  in  form,  and  sit  in 
the  forks  of  trees  combing  their  hair.  The  Yoyoltse  are  in  the 
same  class  as  the  stabai.  Each  of  their  steps  is  half  a  league 
in  length.  They  walk  in  the  night  and  shake  the  houses  as 
they  pass.  The  Pulahoob  3  are  a  class  of  spirits  corresponding 

1  When  the  sun  is  in  eclipse,  the  expression  is  tun  tsibi  Yumqin. 

2  Cf.  Cogolludo,  1688,  Bk.  IV,  Chap.  4:  “  En  los  eclipses  de  Sol,  y  Luna, 
usan  por  tradition  de  sus  passados,  hazer  que  sus  perror  ahullen,  6  Horen, 
pellizcandolos  el  cuerpo,  6  las  orejas,  y  diin  golpes  en  las  tablas,  y  bancos,  y 
puerta.  Dizen  que  la  Luna  se  muere,  6  la  pican  un  genero  de  hormiga,  que 
Hainan  Xulab.”  For  similar  account,  see  Aguilar,  1638,  p.  73. 

3  Literally  Pulahoob  means  the  throwers  out.  The  Spanish  term  is  hechicero, 
a  witch. 

Cf.  Aguilar,  1639,  p.  74:  “  Tambien  ay  Indios  liecliizeros  que  con  ensalmas 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MAYAS 


159 


to  our  idea  of  witches.  They  are  employed  to  work  evil 
toward  wrongdoers.  Their  power  can  be  exerted  only  over 
evil.  If  a  person  is  supposed  to  be  a  murderer,  and  the  family 
of  the  murdered  man  want  him  killed  if  he  be  the  guilty  one, 
one  of  the  Tiechiceros  (pulahoob)  is  invoked,  and  a  small  human 
figure  in  clay  is  made.  In  this  effigy  a  thorn  is  placed  either 
in  the  head  or  heart.  This  is  then  secretly  buried  in  the  door¬ 
way  of  the  supposed  murderer’s  hut.  As  he  passes  over  it,  he 
immediately  becomes  ill.  If  the  man  in  question  is  guilty,  he 
dies ;  otherwise  he  recovers.  If  one  desires  to  send  calentura 
to  punish  a  wrongdoer,  chili  is  rubbed  on  the  clay  figure  to  be 
buried.  Another  method  of  punishing  a  culprit  is  to  place 
poison  in  his  food,  other  than  in  anything  made  of  corn.  This 
composes  the  main  offering  of  food  made  to  the  gods,  and  there¬ 
fore  is  not  suited  to  be  used  in  such  a  connection.  If  the  per¬ 
son  who  eats  the  poisoned  food  is  guilty,  vomiting  forth 
tarantulas,  snakes,  earth,  ashes,  and  pieces  of  crystal,  he  finally 
dies  in  great  agony.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  is  innocent,  the 
poison  does  him  no  harm. 

The  spirits  of  cold,  Yumikeel,  and  of  heat,  Yumqaq  or 
Yumtagkwil,  are  evil  in  nature.  They  are  the  ones  who  send 
fevers  of  many  kinds.  There  is  a  spirit,  called  Paqok,  who 
wanders  around  in  the  night  and  attacks  women.  There  are 
spirits  of  evil  everywhere  and  all  are  waiting  to  work  harm 
unless  certain  charms  are  carried  and  rites  performed  to  coun¬ 
teract  their  mischievous  inclinations. 

Ceremonies.  —  There  are  no  remains  of  idols  among  the 
Mayas.  Incense-burners  are  found,  but  they  are  simple  bowls 
with  no  suggestion  of  a  head  attached,  as  we  have  seen  exist¬ 
ing  among  the  Lacandones.  Some  of  the  incense-burners  are 
made  in  the  form  of  animals  with  the  bowl  for  burning  copal 


curan  a  las  mordidos,  o  picados  de  viboras,  y  culebras,  que  ay  mfinitas  de  casca- 
bel  ;  los  quales  rabian,  y  se  les  pudren,  las  carnes,  y  mueren.  Y  el  remedio, 
que  les  di,  por  averlo  oido,  es  que  bevan  escrementos  de  hombre,  o  el  (junio 
de  limones  ...” 


160 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


on  the  back  of  the  creature  (cf.  PI.  XIX,  Fig.  1).  The  santos 1 
possessed  by  the  Mayas  of  the  present  time  are  furnished  by 
the  Catholic  Church.  There  is  a  rite,  much  of  which  is  native 
in  character,  now  carried  on  before  these  pictures  of  the  saints 
which  have  taken  the  place  of  the  idols  of  the  Lacandones. 
This  rite  is  called  hahaltan.  Clay  incense-burners  are  made  in  a 
bowl  shape  and  in  these  live  coals  and  copal  are  placed.  Palm 
leaves  are  used  to  scatter  the  smoke  of  the  incense,  hut  not, 
as  among  the  Lacandones,  to  carry  away  any  of  the  beneficial 
effect  of  the  presence  of  the  god  (p.  121).  The  priest  or 
leader  of  the  rite  takes  the  bowl  of  smoking  incense  in  his 
hand  as  he  prays.  When  there  is  no  olla ,  a  piece  of  bark  is 
used  in  which  to  burn  the  copal.  A  hotsilip  is  made  as  a 
further  offering  to  the  santo.  This  is  a  pole  on  which  there 
are  a  graduated  series  of  shelves  or  platforms,  the  smaller 
being  at  the  top.  Each  of  these  shelves  holds  offerings  of  food 
for  the  santo ,  among  which  are  figures  of  birds  made  of  bread 
( tsitSiwa ). 

A  ceremony  of  thanksgiving  (uhanlikol2)  is  performed  among 
the  Mayas  similar  in  some  respects  to  that  existing  among  the 
Lacandones  at  the  time  when  the  first  fruits  of  the  milpa  are 
offered  to  the  gods  (p.  103).  This  rite  among  the  Mayas  is 
celebrated  in  the  field  after  the  harvest  of  corn  is  gathered. 
Baltse,  similar  in  all  respects  to  that  made  by  the  Lacandones,  is 
made  at  a  place  somewhere  outside  the  domestic  hut  several 
days  before  the  rite  is  to  occur.  Chili  is  added  to  the  honey 
and  the  baltse  bark.  Nine  jicaras  of  the  drink  are  prepared 
and  a  pile  of  large  and  thick  tortillas  (tutiwa).  Between  each 
two  of  the  tortillas  there  are  placed  either  frejoles,  cooked  and 
mashed,  or  pepita  (sikil),  the  seeds  of  the  calabasa.  On  the 
topmost  tortilla  of  this  sandwich-like  mass,  a  cross  is  made  with 
the  pressure  of  the  finger.  This  tutiwa  is  then  placed  in  the 

1  This  is  the  same  word  used  among  the  Mexicans  of  Chiapas  in  referring  to 
the  incense-burners  of  the  Lacandones. 

2  This  term  is  formed  from  the  root  of  the  verb  to  eat,  hanal,  and  the  word 
for  milpa ,  kol.  Literally,  it  means  the  milpa ,  its  offering  of  food. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MAYAS 


161 


middle  of  a  table  in  the  field  where  the  corn  is  grown.  Around 
this  pile  of  nine  tortillas ,  dishes  of  deer  meat  are  placed,  together 
with  cigars  made  of  the  first  tobacco  of  the  year  rolled  in  corn 
husks,  and  the  nine  jicaras  of  baltse.  In  addition  to  these 
offerings,  several  tortillas  are  placed  in  a  large  earthen  olla  and 
on  top  of  these  a  meat  soup  is  poured  together  with  baltSe, 
finally  the  livers  of  several  chickens  are  deposited  on  top  of 
the  mass  in  the  olla  and  above  these  the  two  feet  of  a  hen.1 

A  bit  of  the  contents  of  each  of  the  dishes  is  thrown  to  the 
east,  south,  west,  and  north  as  a  gift  to  the  spirits  residing  in 
the  four  quarters  of  the  sky.  A  chant  is  then  made,  and  all  the 
saints  of  each  pueblo  are  invited  to  come  and  partake  of  the 
offering.  After  the  prayer,  each  man  comes,  and,  as  he  kneels 
down  in  front  of  the  table,  the  priest  places  a  part  of  the  tortilla 
in  his  mouth  and  gives  him  some  of  the  balt§e  to  drink.  Here 
we  find  the  transition  stage  between  the  rite  as  described  as 
performed  among  the  Lacandones  (p.  130)  and  the  office  of 
communion  as  carried  out  by  the  Christian  Church.  A  dish  of 
the  meat  and  a  piece  of  the  tutiwa  are  finally  given  to  each  one 
present,  when  the  regular  feasting  begins. 

As  among  the  Lacandones,  the  daily  routine  of  life  is  filled 
with  religious  rites  which  recur  as  uniformly  as  the  seasons. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  period  of  drought,  before  the  milpa  can 
be  burned  properly,  a  rite  must  be  performed  invoking  the 
spirits  of  the  wind  to  come  so  that  the  fire  may  spread  and  a 
good  burning  be  the  result.  This  rite  is  called  usakaikol.2 
A  shelf  is  made  in  the  milpa  of  poles  stretching  between  the 
trees.  On  this,  facing  the  east,  nine  jicaras  of  posol  are  placed 
(PI.  XIX,  Fig.  1).  Directly  behind  the  gourds  of  posol ,  a 
cross  of  two  sticks  is  set  up  in  the  ground  (PI.  XIX,  Fig.  2). 

1  Cf.  Landa,  1864,  p.  254  :  “  En  medio  ponian  un  gran  manojo  de  varillas  secas 
atadas,  y  e'nhiestas,  y  quemando  primero  de  su  encienso  en  el  brazero,  pegavan 
fuego  a  las  varillas,  y  en  tanto  que  ardian,  sacavan  con  liberalidad  los  cora- 
§ones  a  las  aves  y  animales,  y  echavanlos  a  quemar  en  el  fuego.” 

2 Literally,  the  meaning  is  the  milpa  (kol),  its  offering  of  posol  (saka). 
This  posol  must  be  made  of  the  corn  from  the  ends  of  the  cob. 


162 


MAYAS  AND  LAC  AN  BONES 


This  serves  as  a  medium  by  which  the  posol  is  given  to  the 
Spirit  owners  of  the  field,  Ahkananqasob. 

This  offering  is  left  for  a  few  hours  and  the  fires  are  started. 
After  they  are  well  under  way,  the  burners  return  to  the  offer¬ 
ing  of  posol  and  the  owner  of  the  milpa  spatters  with  the  end  of 
a  leaf  a  particle  of  the  contents  of  each  jicara  to  the  east,  south, 
west,  and  north.  There  is  no  chant  in  this  rite.  After  the 
spirits  in  the  four  cardinal  points  have  thus  been  given  an 
offering,  the  posol  is  drunk  and  the  work  of  burning  continues. 

A  similar  offering  of  posol  is  often  made  after  the  corn  is 
planted.  This  is  to  propitiate  the  rain  gods,  Yumtsakob,  so 
that  they  will  come  and  bring  the  rain. 

A  more  general  ceremony  for  rain,  called  t§atSak,  is  entered 
into  by  all  the  people  of  a  pueblo  at  the  time  of  a  great  drought. 
Each  contributes  his  share  of  corn,  honey ,  frejoles,  and  pepita. 
The  corn  is  ground  and  made  into  nine  large  tortillas ,  and  the 
other  gifts  are  placed  between  the  different  tortillas.  This 
offering,  together  with  dishes  of  meat,  is  placed  in  a  field  as  in 
the  rite  of  uhanlikol.  All  the  men  then  make  a  noise  like  the 
toads  (muti»),  after  which  a  small  portion  of  the  offerings  is 
scattered  to  the  four  cardinal  points.  A  general  feasting  then 
begins. 

A  simple  offering  of  posol  is  made  near  the  house  before  the 
departure  on  any  extended  hunting  trip.  The  posol  is  for  the 
owners  of  the  animals,  Ahkanabaltseob.  This  rite  is  called 
usakaiDon.1  A  short  chant  is  made  at  the  departure  and  again 
on  the  return. 

There  is  a  rather  elaborate  ceremony  carried  out,  usually  in 
January,  in  behalf  of  the  cattle.  This  is  called  by  the  half 
Maya,  half  Spanish,  name  LocorralP-  This  rite,  now  performed 
for  the  domestic  herds,  probably  had  its  rise  in  a  similar  rite 
directed  to  slightly  different  ends.  A  quantity  of  balt^e  is 
made  and  a  pole  (pabitSe)  is  planted  in  the  center  of  the  corral. 
Wantul,  the  spirit  who  guards  the  cattle,  is  supposed  to  come 

1  Literally,  the  meaning  is  the  gun  (oon),  its  (u)  offering  of  posol  (saka). 

2  Cf.  Garcia,  1905,  pp.  63-68. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MAYAS 


163 


and  hover  around  the  pole  during  the  celebration  of  the  rite. 
The  lasso  (tapkani)  of  Wantul,  made  of  a  bejuco ,  is  placed  on 
the  pole.  A  man  goes  far  into  the  forest  with  a  gourd  of 
baltSe.  He  bellows  like  an  ox  as  he  goes  along.  Two  vaqueros 
go  in  search  of  the  ox-man.  As  soon  as  they  find  him,  they 
lasso  him  and  bring  him  back  to  the  corral.  He  is  tied  to  the 
pole,  after  which  he  is  released  and  immediately  begins  to  kick 
and  behave  in  the  manner  of  a  wild  bull.  He  is  lassoed  again 
and  is  given  twenty-five  cuts  with  the  end  of  the  lariat.  All 
the  men  present  also  strike  the  unruly  ox-man.  The  priest 
then  recites  a  short  chant.  He  spatters  the  baltse  carried  by 
the  man  who  impersonates  the  ox  in  the  direction  of  the  four 
cardinal  points  and  then  gives  it  to  all  those  present,  when  the 
rite  closes. 

There  is  a  ceremony  in  behalf  of  the  caretakers  of  the  bees, 
Ukanan£u£ob,  called  Uhanlikab.  Posol  is  placed  in  the  jicaras 
in  the  same  way  as  in  the  rite  in  the  milpa  (p.  160). 

The  rites  of  divination  are  no  less  important  a  factor  in  the 
life  of  the  Maya  of  the  present  time  than  in  that  of  the 
Lacandone.  The  Catholic  priests  have  done  much  to  stamp 
out  this  custom,  but  it  is  to  be  found,  however,  as  are  many  of 
the  other  rites,  only  in  the  less  densely  populated  parts  of  the 
peninsula.  All  the  divinatory  rites  must  necessarily  be  per¬ 
formed  by  a  man  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  different  means  of 
divination.  This  class  of  men  is  called  in  Spanish  yerbateros , 
and  in  Maya  men,  meaning  to  understand,  to  know  how.  It  is 
they  who  are  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  herbs  and  medicines  of 
the  country.  They  are  also  versed  in  the  means  employed  to 
look  into  the  future  and  forecast  coming  events. 

The  most  common  way  to  predict  the  future  is  by  a  crystal 
(sastun  or  sashom),  which  is  supposed  to  contain  a  virgin.  The 
rock  must  first  of  all  be  awakened  to  consciousness.  This  is 
done  by  placing  it  in  a  vessel  containing  baltge.  The  men  then 
holds  it  to  the  light.  Clouds  may  sometimes  be  seen  in  it, 
it  is  said,  and  in  these  the  priest  reads  the  future.  When  a 
crystal  is  lacking,  eighteen  grains  of  corn  (wo)  are  used  in 


164 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DONES 


much  the  same  way.  They  are  made  to  live  by  offering  five 
jicares  of  posol  for  nine  days  to  the  Yumbalamob  occupying  the 
first  heaven.  After  this,  each  grain  is  held  up  separately  and 
examined  before  a  lighted  candle.  They  are  then  made  into 
two  groups  of  nine  each  and  thrown  on  the  floor.  The  men 
reads  the  future  in  the  relative  positions  they  take  as  they  fall 
from  his  hand. 

A  ring  is  sometimes  used  for  divination.  It  is  placed  in  a 
vessel  containing  baltse,  tobacco,  and  nine  leaves  of  a  tree  called 
in  Spanish  hoja  de  viento.  In  the  movements  of  the  ring  among 
the  leaves,  the  future  is  foretold.  In  this  again  we  find  the 
number  nine  an  important  factor  in  the  rite.  In  all  the  offer¬ 
ings  there  seem  to  be  two  jicaras ,  two  tortillas ,  two  grains  of 
corn,  or  two  leaves  for  each  of  the  four  cardinal  points,  and  one 
for  the  heavens  directly  above,  thus  making  nine  in  all. 

Sickness  of  many  kinds  is  supposed  to  be  cured  by  virtue  of 
the  properties  contained  in  fire  kindled  by  two  sticks  (p.  133). 
This  new  fire  is  called  by  the  names  of  one  of  the  gods, 
Suhuiqaq.  A  stone  heated  in  this  fire  imbues  water  with  a 
magical  power  to  cure  calentura d 

We  find,  as  we  have  seen,  much  of  importance  still  preserved 
in  the  life  and  customs  of  the  natives  of  Yucatan  and  the 
country  to  the  southward.  I  have  tried  to  bring  out  through¬ 
out  this  paper  the  results  of  European  contact  upon  what  was 
once  in  all  probability  a  homogeneous  people,  the  Mayas  under 
the  influence  of  Spanish  rule  since  the  earliest  days  of  the 
Conquest  and  the  Lacandones  who  have  singularly  been  left  to 
themselves  after  the  first  vain  attempts  at  Christianizing  them. 

The  remarkable  preservation  of  the  native  Maya  language  in 
Yucatan,  together  with  the  dress  and  many  domestic  customs, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  survivals  of  the  native  religious  ideas 
throughout  the  peninsula,  points  to  a  wonderful  vitality,  and 
to  some  inherent  power  against  any  change,  which  is  possessed 

1  Starr  (1902,  a,  pp.  15-22)  gives  a  number  of  cases  of  religious  ideas  among 
the  Mayas  at  the  present  time  regarding  charms  and  the  cure  of  diseases. 

Cf.  also  Garcia,  1905,  and  1905,  a,  and  Palma  y  Palma,  1901. 


BELIGION  OF  THE  MATAS 


165 


in  a  rare  degree  by  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan.  If,  in  language, 
dress  and  in  much  of  the  religion,  survivals  are  found  among 
the  civilized  Mayas  of  the  north,  it  may  rightfully  be  expected 
that  among  the  Lacandones,  than  whom  no  people  in  Mexico 
and  Central  America  has  been  more  free  from  outside  influence, 
we  should  find  a  far  closer  relation  between  the  former  culture 
and  that  existing  at  the  present  time.  I  have  tried  to  point 
out  the  more  relevant  of  these  survivals,  the  pilgrimages  to  the 
ruined  cities,  the  use  of  the  stone  idols  and  clay  incense-burners, 
the  latter  being  renewed  at  certain  intervals,  the  copal  nodules 
found  in  the  ruins  and  also  in  use  to-day,  the  ear  cut  with  the 
stone  knife,  compulsory  drunkenness,  survivals  of  the  names 
of  many  of  the  gods,  identity  of  rites  pictured  in  the  codices 
with  those  celebrated  at  the  present  time,  and  the  similarity 
in  the  character  of  the  offerings.  Thus  we  might  go  on  find¬ 
ing  more  and  more  examples  of  survivals  in  the  life  of  the 
Mayas  and  the  Lacandones.  But  in  spite  of  all  this,  the 
Mayas,  and  more  especially  the  Lacandones,  are  very  low  in 
the  scale  of  culture.  They  have  no  creative  genius  whatso¬ 
ever,  nor  have  they  appreciation  for  anything  artistic.  If  these 
people  are  the  descendants  of  those  of  master  minds  who  con¬ 
ceived  and  carried  out  the  ancient  culture  found  throughout 
the  country,  it  is  hard  to  explain  why  the  temples  and  sculp¬ 
tures  in  their  midst  do  not  serve  to  keep  up  or  even  to  revive 
any  latent  power  which  it  would  seem  they  ought  to  possess. 
But  among  the  Lacandones  and  Mayas  as  well,  there  is  no  one, 
as  far  as  can  be  made  out,  who  is  able  to  give  us  the  slightest 
possible  aid  in  deciphering  the  hieroglyphic  inscriptions.  Their 
mind  is  a  blank  upon  this  subject,  not,  I  am  sure,  from  any 
desire  of  secrecy,  but  from  absolute  ignorance.  I  have  tried 
in  every  way  that  human  ingenuity  can  devise  to  test  the 
Lacandones  on  their  knowledge  of  the  hieroglyphic  writing,  and 
all  without  results.  I  then  repeat,  that  I  feel  positive  that  it 
is  not  due  to  an  unwillingness  to  disclose  knowledge  forbidden 
to  an  outsider,  but  to  pure  ignorance,  that  my  attempts  have 
met  with  failure. 


166 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  BONES 


We  have,  I  think,  an  explanation  for  this.  The  culture  was 
far  in  its  decline  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  Conquest.  Some 
of  the  ruined  cities  in  northern  and  eastern  Yucatan  were  un¬ 
doubtedly  occupied  at  this  time,  but  to  the  southward,  the 
ruined  centers  of  Copan,  Quirigua,  and  Palenque  were  buried 
in  the  depths  of  the  forest,  and  all  their  life  and  activities  had 
ceased  long  before  the  Spaniards  came  into  the  country.  In¬ 
tense  civil  strife  and  warfare  with  the  Nahuas  and  more  bar¬ 
baric  tribes  to  the  north  and  with  the  Central  American  tribes 
to  the  south  were  one  of  the  causes  of  this  decline  in  the  life 
of  the  Mayas.  But  there  is  another  reason,  which  goes  far 
towards  explaining  the  ignorance  of  the  Lacandones  of  any¬ 
thing  pertaining  to  the  question  of  the  hieroglyphs.  The 
early  Spanish  accounts  speak  almost  without  exception  of  this 
knowledge  of  the  hieroglyphic  writing  being  a  possession  only 
of  the  priestly  class  and  of  a  few  of  the  nobles,  and  conversely, 
that  it  was  not  shared  by  the  common  people.1  The  priests 

1  Lizana,  1633  (quoted  by  Brinton,  1882,  a,  p.  xxi):  “La  historia  y  autores 
que  podemos  alegar  son  unos  antiguos  caracteres,  inal  entendidos  de  muchos,  y 
glossados  de  unos  indios  antiguos,  que  son  hijos  de  los  sacerdotes  de  sus  dioses, 
que  son  los  que  solo  sabian  leer  y  adivinar,  y  a  quien  creian  y  reverenciavan 
como  a  Dioses  destos.  ’  ’ 

l’once,  p.  392  :  “  Estas  letras  y  caracteras  no  las  entendian,  sino  los  sacerdotes 
de  los  idolos  (que  en  aquella  lengua  se  Hainan  ‘ahkines’),  y  algun  indio 
principal.” 

Landa,  1864,  p.  42  :  “  Que  los  de  Yucatan  fueron  tan  curiosos  en  las  cosas  de 
la  religion  como  en  las  del  govierno,  y  que  tenian  un  gran  sacerdote  que  llama- 
van  Alikin-Mai,  y  por  otro  nombre  Ahau-Can-Mai,  que  quiere  dezir  el  Sacer¬ 
dote  Mai  o  el  Gran  Sacerdote  Mai,  y  que  este  era  muy  reverenciado  de  los 
senores  el  qual  no  tenia  repartimiento  de  indios,  pero  que  sin  las  offendas,  le 
liazian  presentes  los  senores  y  que  todos  los  sacerdotes  de  los  pueblos  le  con- 
tribuian  :  y  que  a  este  le  succedian  en  la  dignidad  sus  liijos  y  parientes  mas 
cercanos,  y  que  en  este  estava  la  Have  de  sus  sciencias,  y  que  en  estas  tratavan 
lo  mas,  y  que  davan  consejo  a  los  senores  y  respuestas  a  sus  preguntas  ;  y  que 
cosas  de  los  sacrificios  pocas  vezes  las  tratava  sino  en  fiestas  muy  principales, 
o  en  negocios  muy  importantes  ;  y  que  este  proveia  de  sacerdotes  a  los  pueblos 
quando  faltavan,  examinandoles  en  sus  sciencias  y  cerimonias,  y  que  les  encar- 
gava  las  cosas  de  sus  officios  y  el  buen  exemplo  del  pueblo  y  proveya  de  sus 
libros  y  los  embiava,  y  que  estos  attendian  al  servicio  de  los  templos,  y  a  en- 
senar  sus  sciencias  y  escrivir  libros  de  ellas.  Que  ensenavan  los  hijos  de  los  sacer¬ 
dotes,  y  a  los  hijos  segundos  de  los  senores  que  llevavan  para  esto  desde  ninos, 
si  veian  se  inclinavan  a  este  officio.  Que  las  sciencias  que  ensenavan  eran  le 


RELIGION  OF  THE  MAYAS 


167 


and  the  members  of  the  higher  classes  did  not  submit  without 
a  struggle  to  the  conditions  of  practical  slavery  imposed  upon 
them  by  the  Spanish  conquerors.  Moreover  it  was  the  special 
desire  of  the  Spanish  priests  to  stamp  out  all  remembrance  of 
the  native  religion,  and  this  was  only  possible  by  first  putting 
an  end  to  those  possessing  this  dangerous  knowledge.  As  a 
consequence  we  have  at  the  present  time  no  one  remaining 
whose  duty  it  is  to  keep  alive  this  ancient  teaching  of  the 
hieroglyphic  writing. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  larger  dependent  class,  without  whose 
labor  the  great  artificial  pyramids  and  elaborate  working  in 
stone  would  have  been  impossible,  would  naturally  have  an 
acquaintance  with  the  ceremonial  side  of  the  religion  without 
possessing  a  knowledge  of  the  fundamental  conceptions  under¬ 
lying  it,  as  would  be  expressed  by  the  hieroglyphic  writing. 
This  element  in  the  population  has  as  its  descendant  the 
Lacandones  of  the  present  time,  who  have  kept  up  what  there 
is  yet  remaining  of  the  former  rites.  We  find,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  ceremonial  side  still  existing  in  the  many  survivals,  but  as 
for  explanations  touching  upon  the  deeper  significance  of  the 
religion  and  reasons  for  the  line  of  thought  necessary  to  ex¬ 
plain  the  hieroglyphic  writing,  we  meet  with  disappointment. 

We  pass  from  the  long  and  slow  beginnings  in  the  far-dis¬ 
tant  past  to  the  culmination  of  the  culture  still  in  the  past  and 
far  on  its  way  downward  when  the  first  Spaniard  set  his  foot 
on  this  continent.  From  the  heights  reached  in  the  develop¬ 
ment  of  the  hieroglyphic  system  and  noted  in  the  remains  of 
the  ruined  structures  found  throughout  Yucatan  and  Central 
America,  we  come  to  what  we  find  to-day,  a  few  scattered 
families  living  out  their  own  lives,  hidden  in  the  depths  of  the 
forest,  alone  and  forgotten. 

cuent.a  de  los  anos,  meses  y  dias,  las  fiestas  y  cerimonias,  la  administracion  de 
sus  sacramentos,  los  dias  y  tiempos  fatales,  sus  maneras  de  adivinar  y  sus  pro- 
phecias,  los  acaecimientos,  y  remedies  para  los  males,  y  las  antiguedades,  y  leer  y 
escrivir  con  sus  libros  y  carateres  con  los  quales  escrivian  y  con  figuras  que 
significavan  las  escrituras.” 


CHANTS 


TEXT  ANT)  TRANSLATION 
No.  1 

A  set  of  bow  and  arrows  offered  to  the  gods  when  a  boy  arrives  at  the 

age  of  puberty 

He  kin  tiakuntik1  u  halal,2  Yume3 

I  am  about  to  redden  his  set  of  bow  and  arrows,  O  father. 

He  u  halal  in  oen4  Yume  TSihi 

See  his  set  of  bow  and  arrows  my  son,  oh  father.  When  he  is 

ku  qasi5  ket§.  T§ihi 

grown,  he  will  make  offerings  to  you.  When  he  is  grown, 

ku  oa  teti  huun  Yume. 

he  will  give  you  an  offering  of  a  fillet,  oh  father. 

No.  2 

Eclipse  of  sun 

Siptak  Yume6  ma 7  ubalal  hun 

Most  excellent  father,  do  not  permit  to  be  hidden  the  one 

qaq.8  Hoqok  t&ktal  hen  bortiketS 

fire.  Come  out,  warmth,  I  will  pay  you  (with  an  offering), 

siptak  Yume.  Hoqok  taktal  oroil,  inwilik  yum 

most  excellent  father.  Come  out,  warmth,  poor,  I  see  the  god 

uSutan.  Manan  insipil.  Ma  tin  takal,9 

pinched.  In  nothing  have  I  erred.  I  do  not  associate  with 

1  To  make  red  spots  of  achiote  as  a  sign  that  they  are  offered  to  the  gods. 

2  Uhal  or  uhalal  is  the  same  as  uhulul,  his  set  ( juego ). 

8  This  is  a  title  given  to  all  the  gods  and  refers  to  the  one  to  whom  the  offer¬ 
ing  in  question  is  made. 

4  From  the  word  pentik  to  bring  up,  to  rear.  The  sentence  reads,  see  my 

son’s  set  of  bow  and  arrows. 

6  Literally,  the  meaning  is  growing  up,  he  will  remind  you  (by  means  of 
offerings). 

6  This  refers  to  Nohotsakyum,  who  has  the  sun  for  his  servant. 

7  The  negative  has  the  idea  of  prohibition.  The  verb  is  in  the  passive. 

8  This  is  a  name  given  to  the  sun.  He  is  also  called  Yumqin. 

9  The  form  takal  is  intransitive  ;  literally,  I  am  not  an  associate. 

169 


170 


MA  Y A  S  AND  LAC  AN  BONES 


Yume  ma  tin  takik  in  lak1 

any  one,  O  father,  I  do  not  associate  with  my  companions,  O 

Yume. 

father. 


No.  3 

Divination  for  name  of  god  whose  presence  is  desired 

Qerqertskanina  2  kai  yal  u  tan 3  kani4  kai 

. for  him  to  tell  his  name  in  the  sky,  for  him  to 

yal  u  tan  tin  qer  ma  umamao  tani 

tell  his  name  in  my  hand,  do  not  permit  to  he  false  the  name 

tin  qer.  Mats  en  pokbeni 5  u  tan 

in  my  hand.  Take  possession  of  me,  to  be  received  his  name, 

ma  umamaq  tani  tin  qer  kai  yal 

do  not  permit  to  be  false  the  name  in  my  hand,  for  him  to  tell 

u  tan  kani  oSilan 6  yal  u  tan 

his  name  in  the  sky,  in  the  home  of  the  gods,  tell  his  name 

tin  qer  yal  u  tan  kani.  Ma 

in  my  hand,  tell  his  name  in  the  sky.  Do  not  permit  him 

tuoik  en7  tin  qerki.  Osilan  yal  u 

to  lie  to  me  in  my  hand.  In  the  home  of  the  gods,  tell  his 

tan.  Osilan  pokben  iqi 8 

word.  In  the  home  of  the  gods,  to  be  received  the  message. 

Mat&  en.  Kiantse 9  kolki, . 10 

Take  possession  of  me.  Inside  (is)  the  stem . 

Kai  yal  u  tan  tin  qer.  Maben  umulik 

For  him  to  tell  his  word  in  my  hand.  May  he  not  hide  it 

1  Very  often  a  plural  form  is  not  used  when  a  plural  sense  is  clearly  shown. 

2  This  term  is  incapable  of  translation.  It  probably  denotes  the  action  of  the 
divinatory  rite.  Qer  is  the  word  used  among  the  Lacandones  for  hand  rather 
than  the  usual  form  qab. 

3  The  division  into  syllables  is  purely  arbitrary. 

4  It  is  difficult  in  all  cases  to  explain  the  addition  of  the  vowel  i  at  the  end  of 

words. 

6  Pokben  is  equivalent  to  qamben 

6  In  Yucatan,  the  term  osilal  is  given  to  the  home  of  the  spirits  who  own  the 
bees. 

7  Literally,  to  lie  me.  The  form  is  transitive. 

8  Literally  iq  means  the  wind. 

9  This  word  is  omitted  when  the  second  form  of  the  divinatory  rite  is  under¬ 
taken.  There  are  other  slight  differences. 

10  The  name  of  the  god  about  whom  the  intelligence  is  desired  is  inserted  at 
this  place. 


CHANTS 


171 


tin  qer.  KukitSker.  Kuhaul 

(the  word)  in  my  hand.  He  tells  the  truth.  He  is  concluding' 

u  tan  tin  qer.  Heu  likike  hei  wai  yu  tal.  Kuhaul 

his  word  in  my  hand.  He  will  rise  if  it  is  good.  He  is  con- 

u  tan  tin  qer. 

eluding  his  word  in  my  hand. 

No.  4 

Divination  for  name  of  offering  desired  by  the  gods 

Tsula 1  wa  ku  qatik 2  yum. 

An  offering  of  posol  if  he  may  care  for  it,  the  god.  An 

Tgula  wa  ku  oiboltik  yum.  Bal 

offering  of  posol  if  he  may  desire  it,  the  god.  Anything  (as) 

u  matan  ku  qatik,  Yumki.3  Bag  ku  qatik,  tgula? 

his  gift  he  may  like,  O  god.  What  does  he  like,  an  offering 

Bag  ku  oiboltik,  tgula? 

of  posol?  What  does  he  desire,  an  offering  of  posol?  He 

Heiulikil,4  heiuyugtal.4  Hen5  bortiketg  in 

raises  himself,  he  is  reanimated.  I  will  pay  to  you  my  offer- 

tgula  tetg. 

ing  of  posol  to  you. 

No.  5 

Distribution  of  copal  in  the  braseros  during  the  process  of  the  manufac¬ 
ture  of  the  new  incense-burners. 

Tan  in  kubik 6  in  pom  ketg  tiala 

I  am  restoring  my  offering  of  copal  to  you  for  you  (in  turn) 

kubik  tik 7  yum  tiala  nasik 8,9 

to  restore  it  to  the  father  (your  master),  for  you  to  raise  it  up 

1  This  is  an  example  of  the  sort  of  chant  given  to  ascertain  if  the  god  or  gods 
are  willing  to  accept  an  offering  of  posol.  The  name  of  the  other  offerings 
is  inserted  in  this  place  in  turn. 

2  The  idea  is  if  he  has  a  taste  for  it. 

8  It  is  hard  to  explain  the  presence  of  the  vocative  when  all  the  verbs  are  in 
the  third  person. 

4  This  probably  refers  to  the  supposed  readiness  of  the  god  in  question  to 
give  an  answer  to  the  questioning. 

5  Hen,  a  contraction  for  he-in. 

6  The  idea  is  of  giving  back  as  an  offering  of  thanks  and  a  prayer  for  con¬ 
tinued  blessings  a  part  of  that  originally  sent  by  the  gods. 

7  Kubik  tik  is  equivalent  to  kubtik. 

8  The  food  is  given  to  the  spirit  represented  by  the  olla  who  acts  as  a  servant 
to  carry  the  offering  to  the  god  represented  by  the  idol  within  the  olla. 

9  Nasik  is  equivalent  to  naksik. 


172 


MAYAS  AND  LAC  A  N  BONES 


tik  yum.  Hen  bortikets  in  tsula  tet§ 

to  the  father  I  will  pay  you  my  offering  of  copal  to  you 

uhel  a  kunya  tiala  kubtik  yum. 

again  for  your  welfare  for  you  to  restore  it  to  the  father. 

Hen  bortiketS  in  tsula  tets  tiala  tllili.1 

I  will  pay  you  my  offering  of  copal  to  you  for  you  yourself. 

Tan  in  mertik  in  sil  tetSki . 2  uhel  a 

I  am  making  my  gifts  to  you . again  for  your 

kunya.  Bininkin 3  pok  in  sil  tetS,  ma  tu 

welfare.  I  am  about  to  dry  my  gifts  to  you,  may  they  not 

buhul  ma  ulakal  u  hoi  in  sil 

crumble,  may  they  not  separate  (as  to)  their  heads,  my  gifts 

tets,4  ma  tu  wakal  in  sil  tetS,  ma  tu 

to  you,  may  they  not  crack,  my  gifts  to  you,  may  they  not 

pasal  in  sil  tets.  II 5  in  mertik  in  sil  tetS, 

break,  my  gifts  to  you.  See  me  making  my  gifts  to  you,  0 

Yume.  Ma  tu  lubul  tsakwilki.  Bininkin  pulik 

god.  May  not  fall  (upon  me)  fever.  I  am  about  to  place 

ets  yoko  tumu  lak.6  II  in  mertik  in  sil 

you  (the  idol)  in  the  new  brasero.  See  me  making  my  gifts 

tets  uhel  a  kunya.  II  in  mertik  in  sil 

to  you  again  for  your  welfare.  See,  I  am  making  my  gifts  to 

tet§  tia  yol  in  palal.  Ma  u  naktantik 

you  for  the  health  (of)  my  children.  May  not  trample  (them) 

yahil,  ma  u  naktantik  keel, 

under  foot  any  harm,  may  not  trample  them  under  foot  cold, 

ma  u  naktantik  tsakwil.  Orqen,  ta  Sibal 7,8 

may  not  trample  them  under  foot  fever.  Enter,  walk, 

a  wilik  in  pal,  akune  in  pal. 

see  my  son,  cure  my  son. 

1  A  part  of  the  offering  is  also  given  to  the  spirit  of  the  brasero ,  represented 
by  the  head,  for  his  own  consumption. 

2  The  name  of  the  god  to  whom  the  offering  is  being  made  is  inserted  here. 

3  Literally,  I  am  going. 

4  Freely,  may  the  heads  of  my  gifts  to  you  not  separate  from  the  bowls. 

5  II  is  the  root  of  the  verb  to  see.  It  is  joined  so  closely  to  the  personal  pro¬ 
noun  as  almost  to  constitute  one  form  of  pronoun. 

6  Literally,  olla. 

7  The  quick  change  from  the  first  infinitive  to  finite  forms  cannot  be  ex¬ 
plained. 

b  Sibal  is  equivalent  to  simbal. 


CHANTS 


173 


No.  6 


An  offering  of  posol  placed  in  jicaras  before  the  line  of  braseros 


Tan  in  kubik  in  tiula  tets  tial  a  kubik 

I  am  restoring  my  offering  of  posol  to  you  for  you  to  restore 

tik  yum.1 

it  to  father.  (The  remainder  of  the  chant  follows  No.  5  in 
the  main.) 

No.  7 

An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  braseros 


In  tsula  tetS  Yume  tan  in  lutsik 2 

My  offering  of  posol  to  you,  O  father,  I  am  dipping  out 

ta  tii  uhel  akunya,  tiala  tal 

upon  your  lip  again  for  your  welfare,  for  you  to  come  and 

akunik  in  palal,  tiala  yemen.3  Uboli  a  wok  tiala 

charm  my  sons,  for  you  to  descend.  Retard  your  feet  in  order 

wukik  in  t£ula 4  tets.  In  tsula 

to  drink  my  offering  of  posol  to  you.  My  offering  of  posol  to 

tet§  Yume,  tan  in  oaik  tets  tiala  kubik  tik 

you,  O  father,  I  am  giving  you  for  you  to  restore  it  to  the 

yum.  In  tsula  tetS  Yume,  tan  in  oaik 

father.  My  offering  of  posol  to  you,  O  father,  I  am  giving 

tets  tiala  tilili  uhel  a  kunya.  TSae  le 

it  to  you  for  you  yourself  again  for  your  welfare.  Take  this 


tSula  tiala  kub  tik  yum. 

offering  of  posol  for  you  to  restore  it  to  the  father. 


TSae  le 

Take  this 


tsula  tiala  tilili.  Tsae  le  tsula 

offering  of  posol  for  you  yourself.  Take  this  offering  of  posol 


1  When  an  offering  of  posol  is  placed  during  the  making  of  the  milpa  the 
chant  is  as  follows :  — 

Tiliken  kuital  in  qas  et§.  Ma  in  t§ak  in  wok. 

1  alone  am  enjoying  life,  I  sacrifice  to  you.  Do  not  allow  me  to  cut  my  foot. 

Tan  in  mertik  in  kol.  Tiani  woli.  Ma  in  lak 

I  am  making  my  milpa.  For  this  I  have  health.  Do  not  allow  the  bottom  of 
tsete  utsunt&e.  Tan  in  mertik  in  kol,  kuookul 

my  foot  to  injure,  a  sharp  stick.  I  am  making  my  milpa ,  when  it  is  finished  I 
kin  qasik  et§. 
will  sacrifice  tc  you. 

2  This  word  is  used  when  it  is  desired  to  express  the  act  of  dipping  some¬ 
thing  out  of  a  vessel  with  a  spoon. 

3  One  would  expect  the  form  wemen  in  the  second  person. 

4  As  each  time  “  my  offering  of  posol  ”  is  said,  a  particle  of  the  liquid  is 
placed  on  the  mouth  of  the  brasero. 


174 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


tiala  ku  matan.  T§ae  le  tSula  uhel  a 

for  you,  liis  gift.  Take  this  offering  of  posol  again  for  your 

kunya,  tial  u  kustal,  in  palal.  Tsae  le 

welfare,  in  behalf  of  them  enjoying  life,  my  sons.  Take  this 

tSula  tial  u 1  kustal  in  watan.  Tsae 

offering  of  posol  in  behalf  of  her  enjoying  life,  my  wife.  Take 

le  tsula  tial  in  kuStal  tiliken 2  in 

this  offering  of  posol  in  behalf  of  me  enjoying  life,  I  alone  I 
qas  etS. 
sacrifice  to  you. 

No.  8 

An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  brasero  of  Usukun. 

Tan  in  lutsik  ta  t§i,  Usukun,  Yume  in 

I  am  dipping  out  upon  your  mouth,  Usukun,  my  father,  my 

tSula. 

offering  of  posol. 

No.  9 


An  offering  of  posol  offered  at  the  east  of  the  sacred  hut 

Tal  u  hoi3  tet§  Yume  mut&ite  tial 

(Here)  comes  its  top  to  you,  O  father,  accept  it  for  the 

yol  in  palal,  in  Yume.  Tial  yol 4  in  watan 

health  (of)  my  sons,  my  father.  For  the  health  (of)  my  wife 

tiala  makik  tiala  wukik.  Tsae  le  tilula 

for  you  to  eat,  for  you  to  drink.  Take  up  this  offering  of  posol 
tiala  matan. 
for  your  gift. 

No.  10 

An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  braseros  on  the  shelf 
(The  chant  is  the  same  as  that  given  before  Usukun,  No.  8, 
with  the  name  of  the  god  in  question  substituted  for  Usukun.) 


No.  11 

An  offering  of  posol  administered  to  the  drum,  Qaiyum 
(The  chant  is  the  same  as  No.  8,  with  Qaiyum  substituted 
for  Usukun.) 

1  The  pronoun  is  really  the  subject  of  the  verb,  which  is  not  a  participle  in  form. 

2  The  objective  pronoun  ;  literally,  I  am  alone. 

3  Literally,  its  head. 

4  As  each  phrase  is  spoken  a  particle  is  spattered. 


CHANTS 


175 


No.  12 

Palm  leaves  distributed  to  the  participants  in  the  rite 

Mut§ite  pok  a  baki.1 

Take  (the  leaves), warm  (in  the  fire  of  the  incense)  your  ?(leaves). 

Bininka  oipite  a  sil.2 

I  am  going  to  cleanse  your  gifts,  (may  I  ?) 

No.  13 

Palm  leaves  held  over  the  smoke  of  the  burning  incense 

Tan  in  t§uk  a  buoil,  tian  i  woli,  tlliken 
I  am  absorbing  your  smoke,  for  this  I  am  well,  I  myself  am 
kustal.  In  qas  et§.  Ma  u  t§iken  kan. 

enjoying  life.  I  sacrifice  to  you.  May  not  bite  me  the  serpent. 

Ma  u  tsiken  balum.  Tian  i  woli. 

May  not  bite  me  the  tiger.  For  this  I  am  well.  (Cause  to) 

Pateyahil.3  Pate  tsakwil.  Ma  u  naktantik 

cease  evil.  (Cause  to)  cease  fever.  May  not  trample  under 

yahil,  tiani  yol,4  in  palal.  Ma  u 

foot  evil  (my  sons),  for  this  they  are  well,  my  sons.  May  not 

nak  tantik  tsakwil,  tiani  yol.4  in 

trample  (my  sons),  under  foot  fever,  for  this  they  are  well,  my 
palal  tiani  yol  in  watan. 
sons,  for  this  she  is  well,  my  wife. 

No.  14 

Chant  over  a  young  boy  with  the  palm  leaves  consecrated  in  the  smoke  of 

the  incense 

Kune 5  in  pal,  in  yume,  upate 6  yahil, 

Guard  my  son,  my  father,  (cause  to)  cease  any  evil,  (cause 

1  The  meaning  of  the  phrase  is  clear,  but  the  exact  significance  of  ba  is  not 
clear. 

2  The  sentence  is  addressed  to  each  man,  and  each  is  supposed  to  answer  Bai, 
yes. 

3  There  is  a  very  interesting  parallel  in  a  single  line  of  a  prayer  noted  by  Mar- 

gil,  1696.  “  Ofrecen  copal  diciendo,  Macom,  ilia  hau  tzaon  (oa  on)  an  apoin. 

Macon  (evidently,  from  the  context,  the  name  of  one  of  the  idols)  no  nos  aparees 
ay  esta  tu  copal.” 

4  Freely,  as  a  result  of  the  freedom  from  evil  and  fever,  they  are  well  now,  and 
the  prayer  is  directed  toward  the  future. 

5  Guard  or  charm. 

6  I  cannot  explain  the  presence  of  the  vowel  u  at  the  beginning  of  the  form. 
The  form  seems  to  be  imperative. 


176 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


npate  tsakwil.  Ma  a  siptik 1  unaktantik 

to)  cease  fever.  Do  not  injure  (by  having)  trample  him  under 

yahil.  Ma  a  siptik  unaktantik 

foot  evil.  Do  not  injure  (by  having)  trample  him  under  foot 

tSakwil.  Ma  a  siptik  utsibite  kan 

fever.  Do  not  injure  (by  having)  bite  him  (my  son)  the  serpent 

in  pal.2  Ma  a  siptik  ukimin.  Tu  ku  ba§al 

my  son.  Do  not  injure  (by  sending)  death.  He  is  playing, 

in  pal.3  Tsihi  ku  oaik  tets  tSula 

my  son.  When  he  is  grown  up,  he  will  give  you  an  offering  of 

ku  oaik  tets  pom.  TSihi 

posol ,  lie  will  give  you  an  offering  of  copal.  When  he  is  grown 

ku  oaik  tets  wa.  Tsihi 

up,  lie  will  give  you  an  offering  of  tortillas.  When  he  is  grown 

ku  oaik  tet§  huun.  4,5  Tsihi 

up,  he  will  give  you  an  offering  of  fillets.  When  he  is  grown 

ku  qas  et£.6 

up,  he  will  sacrifice  to  you. 


No.  15 

A  jicara  of  posol  distributed  to  each  of  the  participants 

Kulen,  wuk7  in  tSula  tetS. 

Sit  down,  drink  my  offering  of  posol  to  you. 

No.  16 

Individual  offering  of  a  particle  of  the  gift  of  posol 

Tal  u  hoi,  tet§  in  Yume,  in  tSula 

(Here)  conies  its  top  to  you,  my  father,  my  offering  of  posol 

1  The  imperative  does  not  seem  to  be  used  with  ma  when  it  has  the  idea  of 
prohibition.  This  is  all  in  the  second  person  and  is  addressed  to  the  god.  Freely, 
do  not  allow  evil  to  trample  him  (my  son)  under  foot.  In  Chant  No.  13,  mau- 
naktantik  is  in  the  third  person.  Freely,  may  evil  not  trample  (my  sons) 
under  foot. 

2  The  usual  order  in  Maya  is  verb,  subject,  object. 

3  The  noun  subject  following  the  verb  and  in  apposition  to  the  pronoun  ex¬ 
pressed  in  the  verb  is  common  in  Maya. 

4  Huun,  literally,  is  paper.  It  is  used  to  designate  the  bark  pounded  out 

thin  and  used  as  fillets. 

6  The  whole  range  of  offerings  is  often  mentioned. 

c  The  chant  used  over  the  other  members  of  the  family  does  not  differ  greatly 
from  that  given  over  the  son. 

7  In  Yucatan  the  imperative  would  drop  the  w. 


CHANTS 


in 


tet§  tial  yol  in  palal.  tal  n  hoi  tets, 

to  you  for  the  health  (of)  my  sons.  (Here)  comes  its  top  to  you, 

in  yume,  tial  yol  in  watan. 

my  father,  for  the  health  (of)  my  wife. 

No.  17 

Chant  given  during  the  fermentation  of  the  ceremonial  drink 

Samea1  hule 2  tin  qer,8  samea 1 

The  wood  of  the  baltSe  pass  over  my  hands,  the  wood  of  the 
hule 2  tin  wok.  Ten  wa  bolenki. 

baltSe  pass  over  my  feet.  I  am  the  one  who  carries  out  the  office 
Ten  wa  ioalenki. 

of  the  first  priest.  I  am  the  one  who  carries  out  the  office  of 

Ten  tulin  tsake.  Ten 

the  second  priest.  I  am  the  one  chosen  to  warm  it.  I  am  the 

tulin  lokbanse.4  Ten  tulin  pikuts 5 

one  chosen  to  cause  it  to  boil.  I  am  the  one  chosen  to  stir  it 

yete  tsakau.6  Tin  walki.7  Ten  tin 

with  a  stick.  I  am  mixing  it.  I  am  the  one  who  causes  it 

lokbanse.  Ten  wa  bolen. 

to  boil.  I  am  the  one  who  carries  out  the  office  of  the  first 

Ten  wa  ioalen. 

priest.  I  am  the  one  who  carries  out  the  office  of  the  second 

He  in  oake  ya&iko,  larti8  malu9  qinam. 

priest.  1  will  cure  it  (with)  green  chili ,  this  relieves  the  pain. 

Hein  qake  yastiawa, 10  larti  baila  tu  tSital.11 

I  will  cure  it  (with)  u  indian  chili this  thus  causes  one  to  lie 
down. 

1  This  is  the  name  given  to  the  tree  the  bark  of  which  is  called  baltSe,  and 
from  the  latter  the  ceremonial  drink  is  made. 

2  Hul  is  the  root  of  the  verb  used  when  one  is  described*  as  putting  on  his  coat, 
hulik  tin  qer,  or  trousers,  hulik  tin  wok.  The  idea  is  of  passing  something 
over  the  hands  and  the  feet. 

3  See  Chant  3,  note  1. 

4  Labanse  is  equal  to  lokanse  and  is  translated  freely  by  the  word  ferment. 

6  Literally,  to  press  away  with  the  bottom  of  the  foot. 

6  Tsakau  is  the  wood  called  “  palo  mulatto .” 

7  Walki  is  equivalent  to  waltik,  to  place  that  which  is  below  above,  to  stir. 

8  Larti  is  equivalent  to  lerti. 

9  Malu,  literally,  “goodens.” 

10  A  particle  of  the  different  kinds  of  chili  is  thrown  into  the  baltSe  as  it  is  in 
the  process  of  fermentation.  Each  is  supposed  to  free  the  liquid  of  an  evil  effect 
coming  as  a  result  of  drinking  large  quantities. 

11  There  then  follows  a  prayer  to  protect  the  fermenting  liquor  as  it  lies  in  the 
open  log  from  the  wasps  and  bees  of  all  kinds  who  might  come  and  drink  some 
of  the  baits e.  This  is  considered  to  be  especially  displeasing  to  the  gods  and 
consequently  harmful  to  men. 


178 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DON  ES 


No.  18 

Purification  of  the  ceremonial  drink  contained  in  the  hollow  log 

Torpen ! 1  Torp !  Ten  tin  tslstal,2  tsis 

Break!  Break!  I  am  making  incense,  incense  (beside?)  the 

tsen 3  (be).  Torpen!  Torp!  Ten  tin  malu  Sehi.4 

hollow  log.  Break !  Break !  I  am  the  one  who  relieves  the  vomit. 

Ten  tin  malu  uyelaholal.  Ten  tin 

I  am  the  one  who  relieves  the  burning  headache.  I  am  the  one 

ma  uqu 5 6  utile  utsem.0 

who  does  not  permit  to  get  wet  the  sticks  of  the  hollow  log. 

Ten  tin  malu  hup  nak.7 

I  am  the  one  who  makes  good  the  movements  of  the  bowels. 

No.  19 

Purification  of  the  nodules  of  copal 

Torpen !  Torp ! 8  In  kinti. 9  Kusleno ! 

Break !  Break  !  I  am  half  warming  (you).  Be  alive  ! 

Aheno ! 10  Ma  (ba)  ka  wenen  amerte.  Ten  tin  wasa 

Awake  !  Do  not  sleep  (but)  work.  I  am  the  one  who  awakened 

1  The  idea  is  for  the  heat  of  the  copal  burned  in  the  bark  to  cause  the  grains 
of  corn  heated  in  the  fire  to  burst.  The  same  word  is  used  to  describe  the  break¬ 
ing  of  an  eggshell  by  the  newly  born  chicken. 

2  TSIstal  is  equivalent  to  pultal. 

3  Literally,  tsem  is  cayuco,  the  Spanish  name  given  to  the  dugout  canoes, 
which  the  hollow  logs  for  holding  the  baltse  greatly  resemble. 

4  The  purification  rite  is  supposed  to  free  the  ceremonial  drink  from  all  the 
evil  effects  coming  as  a  consequence  of  drinking  large  quantities. 

5  The  root  qu  or  qul  is  equivalent  to  tsul,  to  wetten. 

6  Great  care  is  taken  not  to  wet  the  cross  sticks  (tseutsem)  placed  along  the 
open  top  of  the  hollow  log  to  prevent  the  covering  of  palm  leaves  falling  into  the 
contents  of  the  log. 

7  There  then  follows  a  prayer  that  there  be  no  constipation  and  a  plea  for 
the  release  from  any  other  evil  effects.  Kisin,  the  inhabitant  of  the  under  world, 
is  placated  so  that  he  will  not  become  angry  at  having  left  on  any  portion  of  the 
ground  the  refuse  of  the  body. 

8  Grains  of  corn  are  heated  in  the  same  way  as  in  the  purifying  rite  over  the 
open  log  of  baltse.  See  note  1,  Chant  No.  18. 

9  This  and  all  that  follows  is  addressed  to  the  nodules  of  copal. 

10 1  cannot  explain  the  final  o  on  these  forms.  There  are  many  cases  where 
there  are  additional  sounds  added  to  a  form  which  cannot  readily  be  explained. 
In  other  cases,  sounds  seem  to  be  dropped.  In  the  preceding  word  (kinti)  the 
form  would,  according  to  the  Maya  of  Yucatan,  have  a  final  k  sound. 


CHANTS 


179 


kutal.  Ten  tin  lisa1  kutal  tuyok 

(you)  to  life.  1  am  the  one  who  raised  (you)  up  to  life  above 

Sikal.2  Ten  tin  kuStinta.  Ten  tin 

the  board.  I  am  the  one  who  reanimated  (you).  I  am  the  one 

wasa  kutal.  Ten  tin  lisa 

who  awakened  (you)  to  life.  I  am  the  one  who  raised  (you) 

kutal.  Ten  tin  taku  baker.  Ten 

up  to  life.  I  am  the  one  who  built  up  the  skeleton.  I  am 

tin  taka  hoi.  Ten  tin  taku 

the  one  who  built  up  the  head.  1  am  the  one  who  built  up  the 

satot.  Ten  tin  taku  tamen.  Utenanets3 

lungs.  I  am  the  one  who  built  up  the  liver.  For  you  an 
napdil.4  UtenanetS  wiobil.4  Ten  tin 

offering  of  baltse.  For  you  an  offering  of  baltge.  I  am  the  one 
lisa  kutal.  Kusleno !  Aheno  ! 

who  raised  (you)  up  to  life.  Awake  !  Be  alive ! 

No.  20 

An  offering  of  balt§e  and  cacao  placed  before  the  braseros 

Tan  in  nasik  in  ha5  tet§  yetel  u  iau. 

I  am  raising  up  my  offering  of  baltse  to  you  with  its  cacao. 
Tan  in  oaik  tets  in  ha  tiala  kubik  tik 

I  am  giving  you  my  offering  of  baltse  for  you  to  restore  it  to  the 
yum.  Tan  in  oaik  tet§  in  ha  tiala  tilili.6 

father.  I  am  giving  you  my  offering  of  posol  for  you  yourself. 


No.  21 

An  offering  of  bark  fillets  to  the  gods 

Hela  t§ae  huunki.  Tin  lats  kuntik  ta7  hoi 

Now  accept  the  fillet.  I  am  binding  it  around  your  head, 

uhel  a  kunya  tiala  kunik  in  palal.  Tsihi, 

again  for  your  welfare  for  you  to  guard  my  sons.  When  they 

1  Lis  is  the  root  of  the  verb  meaning  to  pile  up,  and  explains  the  process  of 
making  the  nodules.  The  idea  is  that  each  is  constructed  similar  to  the  human 
body  with  all  of  its  organs. 

2  Sikal  is  the  flat  board  on  which  the  nodules  rest. 

3  UtenanetS  is  equivalent  to  utilalets  and  atilili. 

4  These  two  terms  are  the  names  of  special  offerings  of  baltse.  See  p.  102. 

5  Literally,  water.  This  is  the  term  given  in  the  chants  to  an  offering  of 

baltse. 

6  This  chant  follows  No.  5  very  closely. 

7  The  t  has  a  prepositional  value  and  is  not  part  of  the  possessive. 


180 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


in  palal,  kn  qas  et§.  TSae 

are  grown  up,  my  sons,  they  will  sacrifice  to  you.  Accept  the 

huunki1  tiala  knbtik  yum.  Tin  lats  kuntik 

fillets  in  order  to  restore  it  to  the  father.  I  am  binding  it  around 

ta  hoi  tial  kunik  in  watan  u  mertik  maao,  u  mertik 

your  head  for  you  to  guard  my  wife  who  makes  posol ,  who  makes 

wa. 

tortillas. 


No.  22 

Battle  administered  to  the  brnseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

Ha2  tan  in  lutsik  ta  tSi. 

An  offering  of  baltSe  I  am  dipping  out  upon  your  mouth. 
Tan  in  oaiktets  ha  uhel  a  kunya 

1  am  giving  you  an  offering  of  baltse  again  for  your  welfare 
tiala  kubtik  yum.  Ha  tan  in 

for  you  to  restore  it  to  the  father.  An  offering  of  baltse  I  am 
lutsik  ta  tsi  tiala  tllili,  tiala  tal 

dipping  out  upon  your  mouth  for  you  yourself,  for  you  to  come 

awilik.  Emen,  ile.  Tan  in  bortiketS.  Ha 

and  see.  Come  down,  observe.  I  am  paying  you.  An  offering 

tan  in  lutSik  ta  t£i  tiala  wukik, 

of  baltSe  1  am  dipping  out  upon  your  mouth  for  you  to  drink, 
uhel  a  kunya.  Ha  tan  in  oaik  tet§ 

again  for  your  welfare.  An  offering  of  baltse  I  am  giving  you 
ta  t§i,  uhel  a  kunya.  Ukustal  in, 

on  your  mouth,  again  for  your  welfare.  Are  enjoying  life,  my 

palal.  ha  tan  in  oaik  tets.  UkuStal 

sons.  An  offering  of  baltse  I  am  giving  you.  Is  enjoying  life, 
in  watan.  Ha  tan  in  oaik  tetS  ta  tsi 

my  wife.  An  offering  of  baltse  I  am  giving  you  on  your  mouth 
uhel  a  kunya.  In  kustal  tiliken  in  qas 

again  for  your  welfare.  I  am  enjoying  life  I  alone  I  sacrifice 

et§.3 

to  you. 

1  The  spirit  of  the  brasero  is  addressed,  and,  as  usual,  asked  to  restore  the 
offering  to  the  god  to  whom  he  is  dependent. 

2  See  p.  179,  n.  5. 

3  There  is  a  part  following  which  is  the  same  as  the  last  part  of  Chant  No.  7, 
with  the  change  of  the  word  tsula  to  ha. 


CHANTS 


181 


No.  28 

An  offering  of  balt§e  at  the  east  of  the  sacred  hut 
(This  is  the  same  as  Chant  No.  9,  with  the  change  of  the 
word  t§ula  to  ha.) 

No.  24 

A  jicara  of  baltse  distributed  to  ef#ch  of  the  participants 

(This  is  the  same  as  Chant  No.  15,  with  the  change  of  the 

word  tgula  to  ha  or  pokba.) 

No.  25 

Answer  of  those  receiving  the  gift  of  baltse 

Bai,  hen  wukike  kets. 

Yes,  I  will  drink  to  you. 

No.  26 

A  jicara  of  baltse  given  to  each  of  the  members  of  the  family  of  the  leader 

of  the  rite 

Uken ! 

Drink!  (The  answer  is  simply  Bai,  yes.) 

No.  27 

Individual  offering  of  a  small  portion  of  the  gift  of  baltse 
(This  is  the  same  as  Chant  No.  16,  with  the  change  of  the 
word  tsula  to  ha.) 


No.  28 1 

Buliwa  offered  to  the  hraseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

Tiba  buliwa,  norwa, 

In  person,  (accept)  the  offering  of  tamales ,  the  offering  of  thick 

heretswa,2  baha  heretswati,3 

tortillas ,  the  offering  of  tortillas,  many  an  offering  of  tortillas, 

yumbiliwati,  oubiliwati,4 

an  offering  of  tortillas  folded  in  leaves,  an  offering  of  thick 

1  In  the  chants  which  are  characterized  by  a  slow  delivery  there  is  an  almost 
total  absence  of  grammatical  structure.  (See  p.  130.) 

2  Hereto  is  equivalent  to  hurutg,  from  huts,  to  grind. 

3  Syllables  are  often  added  to  fill  out  the  measure. 

4  These  are  all  terms  for  different  combinations  of  offerings  of  corn. 


182 


MAYAS  AND  LAC Ay BONKS 


kakotswa, 

tortillas  folded  in  leaves,  tortillas  divided  in  halves,  tortillas 

oSkotSwa  bahuntqin,  bahunthaap. 

divided  in  thirds,  for  many  days,  for  many  years  (have  I  offered 
them). 


No.  29 

Baltse  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

Tiba  norkite,  ba  norkite, 

In  person  receive  with  pleasure,  thus  receive  with  pleasure, 

ba  natso  boki,  ba  natSo  bukarutski 1  norkite, 

thus  far  is  the  odor,  thus  far  is  the  odor  of  vanilla,  receive  with 

umanen  et£  kustal.2 

pleasure,  causes  it  to  come  to  you  the  fact  of  its  being  alive. 

Umanen  ets  iq,  bahuntqin  bahunt 

Causes  it  to  come  to  you  the  wind,  for  many  days,  for  many 

haap.  Umanen  ets>  kustal 

years.  Causes  it  to  come  to  you  the  fact  of  its  being  alive, 

umanen  ets  iq.  Norkite 

causes  it  to  come  to  you  the  wind.  Receive  with  pleasure, 

ba  natio  bukaruti,  ba  natso  boki.3 

thus  far  is  the  odor  of  vanilla,  thus  far  is  the  odor. 

No.  30 

The  nodules  of  copal  about  to  be  offered  to  the  gods 

Bininka  nasik  in  sil. 

I  am  going  to  raise  up  my  gifts. 

No.  31 

The  nodules  of  copal  offered  at  the  east  of  the  ceremonial  hut 

Tan  in  nasik  in  sil  teti  tial  a  wemen  awilik  in 

I  am  raising  up  my  gifts  to  you  for  you  to  descend  and  see  my 

sil.4  Tan  in  titsik  teti  in  sil  tial  a 

gifts.  I  am  holding  in  my  hands  to  you  my  gifts  for  you 

wemen  awilik  akanik. 

to  descend  and  see  and  learn. 

1  The  pod  of  the  vanilla  bean  is  added  to  the  baltse  during  fermentation. 

2  After  fermentation  sets  in  the  baltse  is  supposed  to  have  life. 

3  There  follow  several  words  which  are  incapable  of  translation. 

4  Bahonqu  is  often  added  at  this  place.  This  term  is  applied  to  the  gods 
taken  collectively. 


CHANTS 


183 


No.  32 

The  nodules  of  copal  offered  to  the  braseros  inside  the  ceremonial  hut  in 

behalf  of  the  gods 

Tiba,  yan  sikalki  tulis  kisanki 1 

In  person  (accept),  here  is  the  board  of  nodules  full  of  ? 

tulis  qiqi.  Yan  Sikalki 

full  of  the  gum  of  the  rubber  tree.  Here  is  the  board  of  nodules 

tulis  kisanki,  tulis  qiqi  suhuiqinki,2 

full  of  ?  full  of  the  gum  of  the  rubber  tree,  at  daybreak, 

suhuiaqerki,8  selepqinki,4  selepaqerki, 

at  the  beginning  of  night,  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  early  morning, 

emennasbinqinki, 5  emennasbinaqerki, 

the  sun  in  its  course  from  east  to  west,  the  night  in  its  course, 

tSuyupqinki,6  tSuyupaqerki,  selepqinki,  selepaqerki, 

at  midday,  at  midnight,  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  early  morning, 

suhuiqinki,  suhuiaqerki,  bibiskanki 7  bibismuyal, 

at  daybreak,  at  the  beginning  of  night,  alternation  of  sun  and 

bahuntqinki,  bahunthaap.  Suhuiqinki, 

shade,  for  many  days,  for  many  years.  At  daybreak,  at  the 

suhuiaqerki,  selepqinki,  selepaqerki, 

beginning  of  night,  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  early  morning, 

tulis  kisanki,  tulis  qiqi,  wol  ismatan. 

full  of  ?  full  of  the  gum  of  the  rubber  tree,  health  is  your 

Tikukinta  yoko  yok, 

gift  (your  right).  I  made  them  to  sit  down  on  (their)  feet, 

Sikalki. 

(on)  the  board. 

No.  33 

The  nodules  of  copal  distributed  in  the  braseros 

(The  chant  is  the  same  as  the  first  part  of  No.  5.  The  word 
pom  is  changed  to  sil,  gifts.  The  former  word  is  used  only 
when  the  copal  is  in  rough  lumps.) 

1  The  meaning  of  kisan  is  not  clear.  The  final  syllable  ki  is  the  same  as  that 
added  to  many  other  words  to  fill  out  the  measure,  and  has  no  meaning. 

2  Literally,  virgin  day. 

3  Literally,  virgin  night.  Aqer  is  equivalent  to  aqab,  as  qer,  hand,  is  the 
same  as  qab. 

4  Literally,  the  sun  on  one  side. 

6  A  more  correct  form  would  be  naksemenbinqin,  the  sun  in  its  ascending 
and  descending  course. 

6  Literally,  the  sun  suspended. 

7  Bibis  means  to  widen.  The  idea  is  that  the  heavens  (kan)  appear  and 
then  disappear,  owing  to  the  clouds  (muyal). 


184 


MAYAS  AND  LACAN  DOMES 


No.  34 

An  offering  of  meat  placed  before  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

Tan  in  kubik  in  tut  et£  tial  a  kubik 

I  am  restoring  my  offering  of  meat  to  you  for  you  to  restore  it 

tik  yum,  tial  a  nasik  tik  yum.  Tan  in  oaik 

to  the  father,  for  you  to  carry  it  up  to  the  father.  I  am  giving  it 

tets  uhel  a  kunya,  tial  a  tllili  in  tut 

to  you  again  for  your  welfare,  for  you  yourself  my  offering  of 

et§. 

meat  to  you. 

No.  35 

A  potion  of  the  ceremonial  drink  given  to  the  leader 

Tan  in  titsik  tial  a  wukik  uhel  a 

I  am  holding  it  in  my  hands  for  you  to  drink  again  for  your 

kunya. 

welfare. 

No.  36 

A  gift  of  meat  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

Tiba,  in  tutal.  In  oamati 

In  person  (accept)  my  offering  of  meat.  I  gave  it  to  you  in 

ututal,  pokbaki,1  in  Yumki, 

the  past  the  offering  of  meat,  the  cooked  offering,  my  father, 
bahuntqin,  bahunthaap,  heretSbak  heretSseep,2  tsukut§ 
for  many  days,  for  many  years,  ground  meat,  line  j^osol,  cooked 
bak,  heretsbak,  heretsseep.3  Ba  ututal,  ba 

meat,  ground  meat,  fine  posol.  This,  the  offering  of  meat,  this, 

ututal,  in  Yumki,  bahuntqin,  bahunthaap. 

the  offering  of  meat,  my  father,  for  many  days,  for  many  years. 

Umana  bahuntqin,  umana  bahunthaap.4 

Many  days  are  coming,  many  years  are  coming. 

No.  37 

An  offering  of  meat  and  buliwa  administered  to  the  braseros 

Tan  in  lapik  ta  tii,  Yume,  in  norwa 5 

I  am  placing  upon  your  mouth,  O  father,  my  offering  of 

1  Literally,  the  offering  warmed  or  the  thing  warmed. 

2  Literally,  the  corn  ground  fine  for  posol. 

3  Seep  is  equivalent  to  qeyen. 

4  The  idea  is,  I  have  done  this  for  many  days  and  many  years  in  the  past,  and 
I  will  make  the  offering  many  days  and  many  years  in  the  future. 

5  The  term  buliwa  is  seldom  used  in  the  chants.  Norwa  is  used  in  its  place. 


CHANTS 


185 


tet§,  in  tut,  uhel  a  kunya, 

tamales  to  you,  my  offering  of  meat,  again  for  your  welfare, 

in  norwa  tet§,  in  tut  (t)et§,  Yum, 

my  offering  of  tamales  to  you,  my  offering  of  meat  to  you,  -  -  -  -  , 

tan  in  oaik  tet§  in  norwa  teti,1  in  tut 

I  am  giving  you  my  offering  of  tamales  to  you,  my  offering  of 

ets,  uhel  a  kunya,2  uhel  ukustal  in  palal,3 

meat  to  you,  again  for  your  welfare,  again  are  living  my  sons, 
uhel  uku&tal  in  lak. 
again  are  living  my  wife. 

No.  38 


The  offering  of  meat  and  buliwa  presented  at  the  east  of  the  ceremonial  hut 

Tal  uhol  in  tut  (t)ets,  in 

(Here)  comes  the  top  of  my  offering  of  meat  to  you,  my  offer- 

norwa  tetg,  Yume.  Tsae  in  tut 

ing  of  tamales  to  you,  0  father.  Take  my  offering  of  meat  to 

(t)etg  in  norwa  tet§,  tial  u  kustal 

you,  my  offering  of  tamales  to  you,  in  behalf  of  them,  enjoying 

in  palal,  tial  u  ku&tal,  in  watan,  umertik 

life,  my  sons,  in  behalf  of  her,  enjoying  life,  my  wife,  who  makes 

maao,  umertik  wa. 

posol,  who  makes  tortillas. 

No.  39 


The  offering  of  meat  and  buliwa  distributed  to  the  participants 

Tan  in  oaik  teti  humpe  lek4  tut  uhel  a  kunya. 

I  am  giving  to  you  one  vessel  of  meat  again  for  your  welfare. 

Tan  in  oaik  tetS  humpe  lek  norwa  uhel  a  kunya. 

I  am  giving  you  one  vessel  of  tamales  again  for  your  welfare. 

No.  40 


Individual  offering  of  a  particle  of  the  gift  of  meat  and  buliwa 

Tal  u  hoi  tet§  in  norwa  tet§ 

(Here)  comes  its  top  to  you  my  offering  of  tamales  to  you, 

Yume.  Tal  u  hoi  tet§  in  tut 

O  father.  (Here)  comes  its  top  to  you  my  offering  of  meat 
(t)ets,  Yume. 
to  you,  O  father. 

1  Literally,  I  am  giving  it  to  you,  my  offering,  etc. 

2  The  meaning  is,  for  your  added  welfare. 

3  This  is  difficult  to  translate.  The  meaning  is,  cause  my  sons  to  have  an 
added  allotment  of  life. 

4  Lek  is  a  vessel  made  of  the  calabasa,  a  squashlike  vegetable. 


186 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


NO.  41 

The  last  offering  of  posol  to  the  old  braseros 

He  kin  lutSik  ta  tSi  in  tSula  tetS. 

I  will  dip  out  upon  your  mouth  my  offering  of  posol  to  you. 

He  kin  lutSik  itSil  a  lakil 1  in  tsula  tetS  tial  a 

I  will  dip  out  into  your  olla  my  offering  of  posol  to  you  for  you 

nakal  kulul  ta  tSak.2  Ooki 

to  climb  and  sit  down  upon  your  resting  place.  It  is  ended 

a  Sau.  Ooki  a  tsula. 

your  offering  of  cacao.  It  is  ended  your  offering  of  posol. 

Ookin  qas  etS.  ookin  bortik  etS. 

I  have  finished  sacrificing  to  you.  I  have  finished  paying  you 

(with  offerings)* 


No.  42 

The  old  braseros  cleaned  and  the  idols  removed 

Bin  in  kin  oatSe  taho  tSuk,3  Yume.  Eaka 

I  am  going  to  clean  by  removing  the  ash,  O  father.  All  the 

tin  tatatSetik  uSan4  in  na  tetS. 

time  I  am  digging  with  a  stick  the  palm  leaves,  my  house  for  you. 


No.  43 

The  first  offering  made  to  the  new  braseros  and  the  idols  placed  inside 

the  bowls 

II,  in  lutsik  ta  tii,  Yume,  qam- 

See,  I  am  dipping  out  upon  your  mouth,  O  father,  the  first 

ki.  II,  in  lutSik  ta  tSi  tetS 

offering.  See,  I  am  dipping  out  upon  your  mouth  to  you  the 

qamki  uhel  a  kunya  yokol  a  tumu  lak. 

first  offei’ing  again  for  your  welfare  within  your  new  olla. 

Tin  qapkuntik  u  San.  in  (n)a5 6  tetS,  Yume. 

I  place  it  (the  idol)  inside  its  palms,  my  house  to  you,  O  father. 

1  A  particle  of  the  offering  of  posol  is  placed  inside  the  olla  at  this  time. 

2  Tsak,  literally  bed,  is  the  name  given  to  the  shelf  where  the  braseros  are 
kept  when  a  rite  is  not  in  progress.  In  this  chant  the  word  refers  to  the  rock  on 
which  the  old  and  dead  braseros  are  placed  at  the  end  of  the  renewal  ceremony. 

3  This  is  the  copal  ash  of  the  previous  sacrifices. 

4  The  idea  seems  to  be  that  the  copal  corresponds  to  the  palms  (San)  covering 

a  house  in  that  the  ash  protects  the  idol  within. 

6  The  house  refers  to  the  new  olla ,  the  resting  place  of  the  idol. 


CHANTS 


187 


II,  in  pulik  yokol  utumu  15k,  Yume. 

See,  I  am  placing  it  (the  idol)  inside  the  new  olla ,  0  father. 

II,  in  masik  u  ian,  in  (n)a  teti  yokol  utumu 
See,  1  am  changing  its  palms,  my  house  for  you  within  the  new 
lak.  II,  in  bortik  ets  uhel  a 

olla.  See,  I  am  paying  you  (with  offerings)  again  for  your 
kunya.  II,  in  bortik  et5  yokol  a 

welfare.  See,  I  am  paying  you  (with  offerings)  within  your 

tumu  lak  uhel  a  kunya.  Tin  wala  tetSki.1  II, 

new  olla  again  for  your  welfare.  I  promised  you  (this).  See, 
in  oaik  tets  qiqi  yokol 

I  give  you  an  offering  of  the  gum  of  the  rubber  tree  within  the 
utumu  lak.  II  in  oaik  tet§  yokol  a  tumu  lak  napdil, 

new  olla.  See,  I  give  you  within  your  new  olla  an  offering  of 
a  matanki,  uhel  a  kunya.  Huun  tin  latikuntik 

baltse,  your  gift,  again  for  your  welfare.  Fillets  I  bind  around 
ta  hoi  yokol  utumu  lak,  uhel  a  kunya,  yetel 

your  head  within  the  new  olla ,  again  for  your  welfare,  with 
kab.  Tikinnawa,  in  bortik  et§.  In  kibasik 
honey.  Totopostle,  1  am  paying  you.  My  offering  of  baltse 
et§,  hen  bortiketie  yokol  a  tumu  lak  uhel  a 

to  you,  I  will  pay  you  within  your  new  olla  again  for  your 
kunya.2 
welfare. 

No.  44 

An  offering  of  posol  to  the  new  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

Tan  in  nasik  in  tSula  tets.  Koten  ilik 

I  am  raising  up  my  offering  of  posol  to  you.  Come  and  see 
a  lakil.  Emen  ilik  a  lakil,  Yume.3  KuS, 

your  olla.  Come  down  and  see  your  olla,  0  father.  Live,  O 

lak,  in  qas  etS. 

olla,  I  sacrifice  to  you. 

No.  45 

An  offering  of  baltse  administered  to  each  of  the  braseritos 
(The  chant  follows  the  first  part  of  No.  22.  The  braseritos 
are  called  sil,  gifts,  in  sil  tets,  my  gifts  to  you.  This  is  the 

1  Literally,  I  told  it  to  you. 

2  There  often  follows  a  promise  to  make  other  offerings. 

3  The  name  of  the  god  to  whom  the  brasero  belongs  is  often  added  after  the 
title  Yume,  This  is  true  in  all  the  other  chants. 


188 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


same  name  given  to  the  nodules  of  copal ,  and  both  play  the 
part  of  servants.) 

No.  46 

An  offering  of  balt§e  given  to  the  ceremonial  jar 

He  kin  lutSik  ta  t§i,  in  balki, 

I  am  about  to  dip  out  upon  your  mouth,  my  great  olla,  a  small 

uqimalu  a  matan. 

offering  of  baltse,  your  gift. 

No.  47 

A  gift  of  tobacco  given  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

He  la  kuo,  tin  oaik  tets,  u  hoi,1  Yume.  QaS 2 

Here  is  tobacco,  1  give  it  to  you,  its  top,  O  father.  A  cigar, 

tu  in  ouqihe,  Yume. 

then,  I  will  smoke,  O  father. 

No.  48 

A  gift  of  posol  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

Tiba8  in  tsula.  Ba  tSula. 

In  person  (accept)  my  offering  of  posol.  Thus,  the  offering 

Bahuntqin,  bahuntaap,  umanabahuntqin, 

of  posol.  For  many  days,  for  many  years,  many  days  are  coming, 

umanabahunthaap.4  Tiba,  t&ulaki. 

many  years  are  coming.  In  person,  (accept)  the  offering  of  posol. 

No.  49 

A  gift  of  frejoles  offered  to  the  braseros  in  behalf  of  the  gods 

He,  u  hoi,5  a  buul  tin  oaik  tets,  Yume.  He  in 

Here,  its  top,  your  frejoles  I  give  to  you,  O  father.  I  will 

hantike. 

(afterwards)  eat  them. 

No.  50 

A  gift  of  frejoles  and  tamales  administered  to  the  braseros 
(The  chant  is  the  same  as  that  used  when  the  meat  and  the 
buliwa  are  administered  (No.  37),  with  the  change  of  intutets  to 
inbuultets.) 

1  The  hoi  refers  to  the  first  tobacco  of  the  year. 

2  Qas,  literally,  is  bundle. 

3  This  chant  is  delivered  slowly  and  is  the  same  in  character  as  that  given  when 
the  nodules  of  copal  are  presented  to  the  braseros  inside  the  sacred  hut  (No.  32). 

4  See  Chant  No.  36,  note  4. 

5  See  Chant  No.  47,  note  1.  The  frejoles  are  the  first  of  the  season. 


CHANTS 


189 


No.  51 

The  chant  used  when  a  journey  is  to  be  undertaken 

Ma  utsibal  kan,  ma 

Do  not  permit  to  bite  (him)  the  serpent,  do  not  permit  to 

utiibal  balum.  Tukubin  - - -1  Ma 

bite  (him)  the  tiger.  He  is  going  -  - - .  Do  not  permit  to 

ukanan  yok.  Ma  ula  tsetik 

be  tired  the  feet.  Do  not  permit  the  bottom  of  the  foot,  to  cut, 

ut£unt£e.2 

a  sharp  stick. 

1  The  name  of  the  person  is  inserted  at  this  place. 

2  There  often  follows  a  prayer  for  freedom  from  fever  and  other  hardships. 
(See  Chant  No.  14.) 


BIBLIOGRAPHY1 


Aguilar,  Sanchez  de. 

1639,  Informe  contra  Idolurum  Cultores  del  Obispado  de  Yucatan  ;  Madrid, 
8°,  124  leaves. 

Bandelier,  Adolf  F. 

1879,  On  the  social  organization  and  mode  of  government  of  the  ancient 
Mexicans  ;  in  Reports  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  557-699. 

Berendt,  Carl  Hermann. 

1867,  Report  of  explorations  in  Central  America ;  in  Smithsonian  Report, 
pp.  420-426. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Charles  Etienne. 

1869-1870,  Manuscrit  Troano.  Etudes  sur  le  systeme  graphique  et  la 
langue  des  Mayas ;  Paris,  2  vols.,  4°. 

Brinton,  Daniel  Garrison. 

1882,  The  Maya  Chronicles  ( Library  of  Aboriginal  Literature,  No.  1)  ; 
Philadelphia,  8°,  pp.  279. 

1882,  a,  The  graphic  system  and  ancient  records  of  the  Mayas  (an  intro¬ 
duction  to  Cyrus  Thomas  :  A  Study  of  the  Manuscript  Troano)  ;  in  Con¬ 
tributions  to  North  American  Ethnology ,  Vol.  Y,  pp.  xvii-xxxvi,  Washing¬ 
ton.  (Reprinted  in  Essays  of  an  Americanist,  pp.  230-254.) 

1897,  Religions  of  primitive  peoples;  New  York,  8°. 

Casares,  David. 

1905,  A  notice  of  Yucatan  with  remarks  on  its  water  supply ;  in  Proceed¬ 
ings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Vol.  XVII  (N.  S.) ;  Part  II, 
pp.  207-230. 

Charnay,  Desire. 

1882,  Voyage  au  Yucatan  et  au  pays  des  Lacandons;  in  Compte  Rendu  de 
la  Societe  de  Geographic  de  Paris,  pp.  529-553,  also  in  Tour  de  Monde, 
Vol.  XLVII,  pp.  1-96,  and  Vol.  XLVIII,  pp.  33-48,  Paris,  1884. 

1887,  The  ancient  cities  of  the  new  world,  being  travels  and  explorations 
in  Mexico  and  Central  America  from  1857-1882;  London,  8°,  pp.  514. 
(This  is  practically  the  translation  of  the  French  edition  of  1885.) 

Cogolludo,  Diego  Lopez. 

1688,  Historia  de  Yucatan  ;  Madrid,  4°,  pp.  791. 

Cortes,  Hernando. 

1866,  Cartas  y  relaciones  al  Emperador  Carlos  V ;  Paris,  8°,  pp.  575. 

See  also  under  Kingsborough  and  Hakluyt  Society. 

Cortesianus  Codex,  See  Rada  y  Relgado,  1893. 

1  This  bibliography  consists  only  of  works  to  which  reference  has  been  made 

in  the  text. 


191 


192 


MAYAS  AND  LACANDONES 


Diaz  del  Castillo,  Bernal. 

1632,  Historia  verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia;  Madrid,  1. 
8°,  pp.  256. 

Dresden  Codex,  See  Forstemann,  1880  and  1892. 

Forstemann,  Ernst. 

1880,  Die  Maya-Handschrift  der  Koniglichen  offentlichen  Bibliothek  zu 
Dresden;  Leipzig,  4°,  Preface  pp.  xvii,  74  colored  plates. 

1892,  Second  edition  of  the  above,  Dresden. 

1902,  Commentar  zur  Madrider  Mayahandschrift  (Codex  Tro-Corte- 
sianus)  ;  Danzig,  8°,  pp.  160. 

Galindo,  Juan. 

1834,  Description  de  la  Riviere  Usumasinta  dans  le  Guatimala ;  in  Nou- 
velles  Annales  des  Voyage,  3d  Series,  Vol.  Ill,  Paris,  pp.  147-151. 

Garcia,  Manuel  Rejon. 

1905,  Supersticiones  y  leyendas  Mayas ;  Merida,  8°,  pp.  147. 

1905,  a,  Los  Mayas  primitivos ;  Merida,  12°,  pp.  124. 

Hakluyt  Society. 

1868,  The  fifth  letter  of  Cortes  ;  London,  8°,  pp.  156. 

Herrera  y  Tordesillas,  Antonio  de. 

1601-1615,  Historia  general  de  los  hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en  las  islas  y 
tierra  firme  del  mar  Oceano ;  Madrid,  4  vols. 

Holmes,  William  H. 

1895-1897,  Archreological  studies  among  the  ancient  cities  of  Mexico ; 
Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Publications  8  and  16,  Anthropological 
Series,  Vol.  I,  No.  1,  Chicago. 

Ivingsborough,  Lord  (King,  Edward). 

1831-1848,  Antiquities  of  Mexico ;  London,  folio,  9  vols. 

Landa,  Diego  de. 

1864,  Relacion  de  las  cosas  de  Yucatan;  Spanish  text  with  French  trans¬ 
lation  published  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  in  Paris.  8°,  pp.  516. 
(The  references  in  the  text  are  to  this  edition.)  Spanish  edition  pub¬ 
lished  by  Juan  de  Dios  de  la  Rada  y  Delgado,  Madrid,  1884,  as  an  ap¬ 
pendix  to  his  translation  of  Leon  de  Rosny’s  article,  Essai  sur  le 
dechiffrement  de  l’ecriture  hieratique  de  l’Amerique  Centrale.  Sec¬ 
ond  Spanish  edition  in  Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos  (2d  Series), 
Madrid,  1900,  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  265-411. 

Lizana,  Bernardo  de. 

1633,  Historia  de  Yucatan.  Devocionario  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Izamal,  y 
Conquista  Espiritual ;  Valladolid,  8°.  (Published  in  part  by  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg.) 

Maler,  Teoberto. 

1901-1903,  Researches  in  the  Usumasintla  Valley  ;  in  Memoirs  of  the  Pea¬ 
body  Museum,  Vol.  IT,  Cambridge,  4°,  pp.  216,  plates  80. 

Margil,  Antonio. 

1696,  Testimonio  de  diferentes  cartas  y  provincias  dadas  al  pueblo  de 
Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  de  los  Lacandones.  Ms.  in  Archivo  Gen- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


193 


eral  de  Indias,  Seville.  Estante  69,  Cajon  1,  Legajo  2,  Folio  29.  (A 
small  portion  of  this  letter  was  published  by  Marimon  y  Tudd,  in  Zeit- 
sckrift  filr  Ethnologie,  1882,  pp.  130-132. 

Maudslay,  Alfred  P. 

1883,  Explorations  in  Guatemala  and  examination  of  the  newly  discov¬ 
ered  Indian  ruins  of  Quirlgua,  Tikal  and  the  Usumacinta;  in  Proceed¬ 
ings  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  pp.  185-204. 

1889-1902,  Biologia  Central!- Americana,  or  Contributions  to  the  knowl¬ 
edge  of  the  flora  and  fauna  of  Mexico  and  Central  America.  Archae¬ 
ology  ;  Text  and  plates,  London. 

Mercer,  Henry  C. 

1897,  The  kabal  or  potter’s  wheel  of  Yucatan ;  in  Bulletin,  Free  Museum, 
of  Science  and  Art,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Yol.  I,  Ho.  1. 

Millspaugh,  Charles  F. 

1896-1904,  Contributions  to  the  flora  of  Yucatan;  in  Publications  of  the 
Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Botanical  Series,  Yol.  I,  pp.  1-56, 
277-339,  340-410;  Yol.  II,  No.  1,  Part  1,  No.  2,  Part  la;  Vol.  Ill,  Nos. 
1  and  2. 

Molina  Solis,  Juan  Francisco. 

1898,  Historia  del  descubrimiento  y  conquista  de  Yucatan  con  una  resena 
de  la  historia  antigua  de  esta  peninsula ;  Merida,  8°,  pp,  911. 

1904,  Historia  de  Yucatan  durante  la  Dominacion  Espafiola;  Yol.  I, 
Merida,  8°,  pp.  359. 

Nadaillac,  Jean  Francois  Albert  du  Pouget. 

1884,  Prehistoric  America ;  New  York,  8°,  pp.  566.  (English  translation 
of  the  French  edition  of  1883,  Paris.) 

Nuttali,  Zelia. 

1904,  A  penitential  rite  of  the  ancient  Mexicans;  in  Peabody  Museum 
Papers,  Vol.  I,  No.  7,  Cambridge,  pp.  439-462,  4  plates. 

Palma  y  Palma,  Euloio. 

1901,  Los  Mayas;  Motul  (Yucatan),  8°,  pp.  753. 

Pefiafiei,  Antonio. 

1890,  Monumentos  del  arte  Mexicano  antiguo,  ornamentaeion,  mitologia 
tributes,  y  monumentos ;  Berlin,  folio,  3  vols. 

Peresianus  Codex,  See  Rosny,  1887. 

Ponce,  Alonso. 

Relaeion  Breve  y  Verdadera  de  Algunas  Cosas  de  las  muchas  que  sueedi- 
eron  al  Padre  Fray  Alonso  Ponce,  Commissario  General,  en  las  Provincias 
de  la  Nueva  Espana;  in  Coleccion  de  Documenios  para  la  Historia  de 
Espana, Vol.  LVIII. 

Rada  y  Delgado.  Juan  de  Dios  de  la. 

1893,  Codice  Maya  denominado  Cortesianus  que  se  conserva  en  el  Museo 
Arqueologio  Nacional,  Madrid ;  42  colored  plates. 

Reiacidn  de  los  Pueblos  de  Campocolche  y  Ch  cokola. 

1890,  in  Colleccidn  de  Documenios  ineditos  relatives  al  descubrimiento,  conquista 
y  organizacidn  de  las  antiguas  posesiones  Espanolas  de  Ultramar  (2d  Se¬ 
ries),  Madrid,  Yol.  XIII,  pp.  177-195. 


194 


MAYAS  AND  LAGAN DON ES 


Relacion  de  Cicontum. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XT,  pp.  199-209. 

Relacion  del  Pueblo  de  Dohot,  y  Cabecera  de  Tetzimin. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  204-223. 

Relacion  de  Pueblo  de  Mama. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XI,  pp.  159-174. 

Relacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Merida. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol  XI,  pp.  37-75. 

Relacion  de  Mutul. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XI,  pp.  75-88. 

Relacion  de  los  Pueblos  de  Popola,  y  Sinsimato  y  Samiol. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  41-49. 

Relacidn  de  Quiz.il  y  Sitipeche. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XI,  pp.  209-220. 

Relacion  de  Tahzib. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XI,  pp.  185-190. 

Relacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Valladolid. 

1881,  hi  .4 etas  del  Congreso  Internacional  de  Americanistas,  Madrid,  Vol.  II. 

1900,  (see  above)  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  3-40. 

Rosny,  Leon  de. 

1887,  Codex  Peresianus,  Manuscrit  hieratique  des  anciens  Indiens  de  l’Ame- 
rique  Centrale  conserve  a  la  Bibliotheque  National  de  Paris,  avec  une 
introducion ;  Paris. 

Salisbury,  Stephen. 

1878,  Terra-cotta  figure  from  the  Isla  de  Mugeres ;  in  Proceedings  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  No.  71. 

Sapper,  Karl. 

1891,  Ein  besuch  bei  den  ostlichen  Lacandonen  ;  in  Ausland,  Vol.  LXIV, 
pp.  892-895. 

1895,  Die  unabhangigen  Indianerstaaten  von  Yukatan ;  in  Globus,  Vol. 
LXVH,  pp.  197-201.  (See  1904.) 

1897,  Das  nordliche  Mittel-Amerika  nebst  einen  ausflug  nach  dem  hoch- 
land  von  Anahuac.  Reisen  und  Studiem  aus  den  Jahren  1888-1895 ; 
Braunschweig,  pp.  436,  8  maps. 

1903,  Mittelamerikanische  Waffen  im  modernen  Gebrauche ;  in  Globus, 
Vol.  LXXXIII,  pp.  53-63. 

1904,  Translation  of  1895  in  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  Bulletin  28, 
pp.  623-634,  Washington. 

1904,  a,  Der  gegenwiirtige  Stand  der  ethnographischen  Kenntnis  von 
Mittelamerika ;  in  Archie  fur  Anthropologie  (N.  S.),  Vol.  Ill,  Part  1, 
pp.  1-38,  7  plates. 

1905,  Der  Charakter  der  Mittelamerikanischen  Indianer;  in  Globus,  Vol. 
LXXXVII,  pp.  128-131. 

Saville,  Marshall  II. 

1897,  Maya  musical  instruments;  in  American  Anthropologist,  Vol.  X,  pp. 
272-273. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


195 


Schellhas,  Paul. 

1890,  Vergleichende  Studien  auf  deni  Felde  der  Maya-Alterthiimer ;  in  In¬ 
ternationales  Archiv  fur  Ethnographie,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  209-231.  (See 
1904,  a.) 

1897,  Die  Gottergestalten  der  Mayahandschriften;  Berlin,  8°,  pp.  34.  (See 
1904.) 

1904,  Second  edition  of  the  preceding,  Berlin,  pp.  42.  English  translation 
of  the  second  edition  in  Papers  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Vol.  IV,  No.  1, 
Cambridge. 

1904,  a,  Translation  of  1890  in  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  Bulletin  28, 
pp.  591-622. 

Seler,  Eduard. 

1895,  Alterthiimer  aus  Guatemala ;  in  Verbffentlichungen  aus  dem  Konig- 
lichen  Museum  fur  Volkerkunde,  Vol.  IV,  Part  1,  pp.  21-53.  (See  1904.) 

1899,  Mittelamerikanische  Musikinstrumente ;  in  Globus,  Vol.  LXXIII, 
pp.  109-112,  also  in  Vol.  II  of  his  collected  works,  pp.  695-703. 

1900-1901,  Tonalamatl  Aubin  (Manuscrits  Mexicains,  No.  18-19)  (Eng¬ 
lish  Edition),  Berlin,  pp.  147,  plates  19. 

1901,  Die  alten  Ansiedelungen  von  Chacula  im  Distrikte  Nenton  des  De¬ 
partments  Huehuetenango  der  Republik  Guatemala ;  Berlin,  4°,  pp. 
233  ;  50  plates ;  2  maps. 

1904,  English  translation  of  1895,  in  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  Bul¬ 
letin  28,  pp.  75-122,  Washington. 

Starr,  Frederick. 

1902,  Physical  character  of  the  Indians  of  Southern  Mexico  ;  in  University 
of  Chicago,  Decennial  Publications,  Vol.  IV,  Chicago,  4°,  pp.  59,  1  plate. 

1902,  a,  Notes  upon  the  Ethnography  of  Southern  Mexico  ;  Part  II  (Ex¬ 
pedition  of  1902)  ;  in  Proceedings  of  the  Davenport  Academy  of  Sciences, 
Vol.  IX. 

1903,  The  sacred  spot  in  Maya  Indians;  in  Science,  Vol.  XVII,  No.  428, 
pp.  132-133. 

Stephens,  John  L. 

1841,  Incidents  of  travel  in  Central  America,  Chiapas  and  Yucatan ; 
2  vols.,  New  York. 

1843,  Incidents  of  travel  in  Yucatan  ;  2  vols.,  New  York. 

Troano  Codex,  see  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  1869-1870. 

Villagutierre  Soto  Mayor,  Juan. 

1701,  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Provincia  de  el  Itza,  reduccion,  y  pro¬ 
gresses  de  la  de  el  Lacandon,  y  otras  naciones  de  indios  barbaros,  de  la 
niediacion  de  el  reyno  de  Guatimala,  a  las  provincias  de  Yucatan,  en  la 
America  Septentrional,  Madrid,  4°,  pp.  660. 


Plate  I. 


Ylfmc  Sr.  D.  FY.  Diego  cle  Lancia.',  natm-».l  cie  Cifuente* 
Qwfl»  de  Yuc&tiui  Siemlo  OuAnliart  ift  t>sh  ' 

;  A.no  ,if  S.  A.«l<n»io  pnmiiwo  claustfo  y  fs|a 

de  t»  .lumac.ulcuU .Couccpe.ion 

^°1‘C  S  *“  M|^».y.  I'^neiulo  ■;*  VWfcC  U 

<*  m,  Agr ^  £?•*•  **  ‘  i  »7 


Diego  de  Landa,  first  bishop  of  Yucatan  and  author  of 
“  Relacion  de  las  Cosas  de  Yucatan.”  From  a  painting  in  the 
Cathedral  at  Izamal,  Yucatan. 


Plate  II. 


Fig.  1.  —  Usumacinta  River,  seven  leagues  above  Tenosique, 
looking  southward. 


Fig.  2. — -Usumacinta  River,  seven  leagues  above  Tenosique,  looking 

northward. 


Plate  III. 


Fig.  1.  —  The  grand  cenote  at  Chichen  Itza,  Yucatan. 


Fig.  2.  —  Lacandone  woman  carrying  child  on  hip. 


Plate  IV. 


Fig.  1.  —  Group  of  Lacandones  near  Laguna  Petha,  Chiapas. 


Fig.  2.  —  Group  of  Lacandones  on  the  Lacantun  River. 


Plate  Y. 


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Plate  YI. 


Fig.  1.  — -  Lacandone  boy  and  girl,  showing  the  method 
of  dressing  the  children. 


Fig.  2.  —  Two  Maya  women  and  child,  showing  the  costume  of  the  women. 


Plate  YII. 


Fig.  1.  —  Maya  at  the  Temple  of  the  Tables,  Chichen  Itza. 


Fig.  2.  —  Two  Mayas  in  working  costume,  from  the 
vicinity  of  Valladolid,  Yucatan. 


Plate  VIII. 


Fig.  1.  —  Atypical  settlement  of  the  Lacandones,  showing 
the  huts  almost  hidden  in  the  growing  corn.  The  roof  in  the 
foreground  is  that  of  the  ceremonial  hut,  and  directly  behind  that 
of  the  shelter,  where  the  offerings  are  prepared.  The  roof  at  the 
left  is  that  of  the  domestic  house.  The  view  is  from  the  east. 


Fig.  2.  —  A  view  of  the  same  settlement  as  that  shown  in 
Fig.  1  from  the  south,  showing  the  character  of  the  forest  sur¬ 
rounding  the  portion  cleared. 


Fig.  3.  —  A  typical  shelter  among  the  Lacandones,  show¬ 
ing  the  open  ends  and  the  manner  in  which  the  sides  are 
protected  by  the  overhanging  roof. 


Plate  IX. 


Fig.  1.  —  Maya  woman  grinding  corn  with  stone  metate. 


Fig.  2.  —  Maya  woman  molding  and  baking  tortillas. 


Plate  X. 


4 


Fig.  1. —  Lacandone  shooting  with  native  bow  and  arrow. 


Fig.  2.  —  Lacandone  youth  shooting  fish  with  bow 
and  arrow  from  the  end  of  a  canoe. 


Plate  XI. 


Fig.  1. —  Laeandone  woman  spinning  the 
native  cotton.  The  spindle  rests  in  a  gourd  and 
the  mass  of  crude  cotton  rests  on  the  shoulder. 


Fig.  2.  —  Laeandone  woman  beginning  the  weaving  of  a  piece  of  cloth  on 

the  native  loom. 


Plate  XII. 


Fig.  1.  —  Lacandone  loom,  with  utensils  for  weaving. 


Fig.  2.  —  Portion  of  Lacandone  hammock. 


Plate  XIII. 


Figs.  1  and  2.  —  The  front  and  rear  view  of  the  ceremonial  robe  worn 
by  the  leader  of  the  encampment  where  most  of  the  rites  were  observed. 
He  carries  in  his  right  hand  the  ceremonial  rattle. 


Fig.  3.  —  Maya  woman  modeling  a  water  jar,  showing  the 
method  of  turning  the  vessel  with  the  foot. 


Plate  XIV. 


Fig.  1.  —  Lacandoue  shell  necklace. 


Fig.  2.  —  Olla  used  to  place  over  the  burning 
copal  in  which  to  catch  the  soot. 


Fig.  3.  —  Lacandoue  oboe. 


Plate  XV. 


Fig.  2.  —  Typical  Lacan  done  in  cense -burner 
of  the  type  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Petha, 
Chiapas. 


Plate  XVI. 


Fig.  1.  —  Incense-burner  found  in 
ruins  of  Labna,  Yucatan. 


the  Hondo  River. 


Fig.  2.  —  Incense-burner  from  the  Island  of  Cozumel,  off 
the  eastern  coast  of  Yucatan. 


Fig.  5.  —  Lacandone  incense-burner,  the  exact 
locality  of  which  is  unknown. 


Fig.  4.  —  Incense-burner  from 
the  Hondo  River. 


Plate  XVII. 


Fig.  1.  —  Incense- 
burner  from  Zacbila, 
Oaxaca. 


Fig.  3.  —  Head  of  an  incense-burner  of 
the  type  usually  found  to  the  south  and 
east  of  Yaxchilan. 


Fig.  2. —  Head  of  an  incense- 
burner  of  the  type  usually  found 
to  the  south  and  east  of  Yaxchilan. 


Fig.  4.  —  Incense- 
burner  of  the  southern 
Yaxchilan  type. 


Fig.  5.  — Incised  incense-burner. 


Plate  XYIII. 


Fig.  2. —  Lacandone  chanting  before  two  braseritos  in  a  consecration  rite. 
The  remains  of  an  offering  of  food  is  seen  on  the  mouths. 


Plate  XIX. 


Fig.  1.  —  Animal  of  clay  made  by  the  Lacandones  and  now  used  by  the 
children  as  a  plaything.  The  real  function  of  the  bowl  on  the  back  of  the 
animal  is  a  receptacle  for  holding  the  incense. 


Fig.  2.— Lacandone  incense-burner  of  the  smallest  type,  used  by  the 
father  in  instructing  the  boys  concerning  the  observances  of  the  religious 
rites  and  especially  in  that  of  chanting.  It  is  used,  within  certain  bounds, 
by  the  children  as  a  plaything. 


Fig.  3.  —  Arm  from  a  handled  incense-burner  from  the  Ulloa  River, 
Honduras. 


Fig.  4.  —  Wooden  beater  for  pounding  out  bark  cloth. 


Plate  XX. 


Fig.  1.  —  Group  of  incense-burners  from  the  northeast  corner  of  the  cere¬ 
monial  hut.  The  brasero  with  the  projecting  arm  is  seen  in  the  front  row. 
The  flat  board  for  offering  the  nodules  of  copal  is  in  the  background.  The 
hammock  in  the  foreground  is  the  one  in  which  the  leader  of  the  encamp¬ 
ment  sleeps  during  the  progress  of  the  renewal  rites. 


Fig.  2.  —  Ceremonial  drum  of  the  Lacandones,  showing  the  head  similar 
to  those  of  the  braseros  and  the  method  of  attaching  and  tightening  the 
head  of  the  drum. 


Fig.  3.  —  Laeandone  chanting  before  the  old  incense-burners  to  which  an 
offering  of  posol  contained  in  the  gourds  had  been  made.  The  carpet  of 
leaves  on  which  the  braseros  and.  the  offering  rest  is  seen.  This  rite  is  be¬ 
fore  the  “  death  ”  of  the  old  alias,  when  they  are  replaced  by  a  new  set 
together  with  a  large  number  of  braseritos.  These  old  incense  bowls  are 
blackened  by  the  smoke  of  many  offerings  of  incense. 


Plate  XXI. 


Fig.  1.  —  A  typical  incense-burner  of  the  Lacandones,  with  its  offering 
of  baltse  contained  in  the  gourd,  together  with  a  cigar  made  of  the  first 
tobacco  of  the  year.  The  palm  leaves  in  front  of  the  brasero  are  those  used 
to  wave  in  the  smoke  of  the  incense  at  the  same  time  as  a  chant  is  in 
progress. 


Fig.  2.  —  Lacandone,  with  palm  leaves,  chanting  in  behalf  of  the  child 
before  him.  The  bark  fillet  is  also  seen  around  his  head. 


Plate  XXII. 


Fig.  1.  —  Lacandone  youth  with  his  share  of  an  offering  of  posol  after  it 
had  been  administered  to  the  gods. 


Fig.  2. —  Lacandone  pounding  the  sugar-cane  to  extract  the  juice  in  one 
of  the  hollow  logs  in  which  the  ceremonial  drink  is  mixed.  The  log  cov¬ 
ered  with  palm  leaves  on  the  extreme  right  is  that  in  which  the  baltSe 
is  allowed  to  ferment. 


Fig.  3.  —  The  two  hollow  logs  containing  the  ceremonial  drink.  That 
on  the  right  is  uncovered  and  shows  the  baltse  in  process  of  fermentation. 
In  front  of  the  log  slightly  to  the  left  is  the  jar  which  is  filled  with  baltSe 
from  the  log,  and  from  which  the  gourds  are  filled. 


Plate  XXIII. 


Figs.  2  and  3.  —  Nodules  of  copal  found  in  connection  with  archaeological  work  in  northern 

Yucatan. 


Fig.  1. — Board  on  which  nodules  of  copal  are 
offered  to  the  gods  in  a  body  before  being  taken  off 
and  distributed  in  the  incense-burners.  Collected 
Mr.  Maler. 


Plate  XXIV. 


Fig.  1. —  A  leader  in  one  of  the  Lacandone  rites  sitting  on  the  low 
wooden  stool  behind  the  jar  containing  the  ceremonial  drink,  with  which 
he  is  filling  the  gourds  to  place  before  the  incense-burners. 


Fig.  2.  —  Jar  containing  balt§e,  with  the  low  seat  of  the  leader  directly 
behind  it  and  the  jicaras  to  be  filled  with  the  ceremonial  drink.  The  cere¬ 
monial  band  of  bark  is  seen  around  the  jar.  The  cloth  on  the  top  is  that 
used  in  straining  the  baltse. 


Fig.  3.  —  Lacandone  offering  the  board  of  nodules  of  copal  at  the  east 
of  the  ceremonial  hut. 


Plate  XXV. 


Fig.  1.  —  Lacandone  with  slain  monkey,  the  meat  of 
which  is  about  to  be  offered  to  the  gods. 


Fig.  2.  —  Lacandone  making  ceremonial  fire. 


Plate  XXVI. 


Fig.  1.  —  Lacandone,  showing  poncho  spotted  with  achiote  and  the  cere¬ 
monial  band  of  bark  around  his  head. 


Fig.  2.  —  Group  of  incense-burners  ( hraseros  and  hraseritos)  from  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  sacred  hut.  The  ceremonial  drum  is  seen  at  the 
left  of  the  post. 


Plate  XXVII. 


Fig.  1.  —  Group  of  incense-burners  from  the  south,  showing  the  round 
gourds  containing  an  offering  of  baltse  and  flat  vessels  containing  buliwa. 
The  ceremonial  drum  is  seen  in  the  background  at  the  left. 


Fig.  2.  —  Lacandones  with  carrying  nets  containing  the  “dead”  incense- 
burners  which  they  are  carrying  to  deposit  under  a  cliff. 


Plate  XXYIII. 


Three  of  the  fifteen  figures  once  supporting  an  altar  which  stood  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Upper  Chamber  of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Chichen  Itza. 
These  and  similar  figures  are  supposed  to  represent  the  Saiyamwinkoob, 
who  lived  in  the  first  period  of  the  existence  of  the  world. 


Plate  XXIX. 


Fig.  2. —  The  owner  of  the  milpa  offering  the  nine  jlcaras  of 
posol,  showing  the  cross  set  up  under  the  line  of  gourds. 


Fig.  1. 


—  Three  Maya  brothers  offering  nine  gourds  of  posol  in  their  milpa 
to  the  spirits  of  the  wind. 


, 


